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"Shanglin County Clique's" African Gold Rush: Get Rich or Die Trying (translation)

Translated by Erik Myxter
On May 15th The 21st Century Business Herald out of Guangzhou published a thrilling article about Chinese illegal gold mining activity in Ghana.   The following is a translation of that article.
“上林帮”非洲淘金记:身家上亿或埋骨他乡
21世纪经济报道 梁钟荣 南宁、深圳报道 2013-05-15 00:57:39
"Shanglin County Clique's" African Gold Rush: Get Rich or Die Trying
21st Century Business Herald   Reporting from Nanning: Liang Zhongrong   Shenzhen reported May 15, 2013
In the first picture a Chinese man is holding a big piece of gold, while his black bodyguard stands behind him holding an AK47;  In the second picture a young Chinese man holds his black wife in his arms while joyfully laughing.
These two pictures were sent from Tan Xinhua.  Mr. Tan introduces the photos, saying that the people in the picture all come from the same village in Shanglin County, Guangxi.  They also are all investors in Ghanaian gold mines. Some people say that in Ghana there are about 50,000 people who come from Shanglin County.  Often called "The Gold Coast", Ghana's  small-to-medium sized gold panning mines are almost all run by people from Shanglin.  They all mine nugget gold.
"There are restaurants where there are only Chinese people, if there is a place with gold, you will find people from Shanglin (county)." explains Tan Xinhua.  Mr. Tan is part of the post-80's generation and like many young people from Shanglin County, he never finished high school before he left for Ghana.  In Kumasi, Ghana, there are many independent panners of gold, Tan Xinhua is one of them and for three years he has never returned home.  His only connection back home is through calling his parents.  His three-year goal is to become a millionaire.
The Shanglin Clique of gold miners first arrived over eight years ago.  The sweat and toiling of the miners, the instant riches, the armed fighting and the constant struggle which occurred in the American 18th century gold rush is now happening in Ghana.  Some people who are responsible for the fighting are deported, some have lost their lives to gang violence, others have contracted terrible diseases and been buried in this foreign place.
Most of the people who go to Ghana come back home;  Some people come back home with only a handful of gold to give to their loved ones; while others on their layover from Hong Kong to Guangxi, give a call to order their Nanning villa and a Ferrari.  In the last eight years, more than three people from Shanglin have shown actual proof that their net worth has been valued at over 100,000,000 yuan ($16 million).
At the same time, there is a seemingly irreconcilable, love-hate relationship between the Ghanians and the people from Shanglin.  From the view of a local, Shanglin businesses employ many workers,  but at the same time they burn an excessive amount of fuel; they contribute greatly to local taxes, but they also pollute the rivers greatly and the machinery used in mining devastates the land.  Moreover people from Shanglin have bought over 10,000 guns in Ghana, while at the same time they often get robbed.
From October 2012 to the beginning of this year, Ghana implemented an interdepartmental effort to deport many Chinese people. The Chinese government have participated in talks and negotiations regarding the matter.  But in this tense and unsafe atmosphere, the workers from Shanglin have continued their gold mining non-stop.
A Special Eye For Gold
Tan Xinhua left China for Ghana for the first time in 2010  and for one year he worked at a gold mine run by a fellow Shanglinian. On November 2011 he started his own venture.
The Shanglin area has a tradition of gold mining.  In the 90s there was a gold rush in Shanglin that brought peasants from all over China to Shanglin to mine gold.
Recalling that time Tan Xinhua explained,  "The people from Shanglin, although small, have a strong group mentality, and a willingness to struggle against difficulties, that even makes the big and tall people from the north (of China) scared.  At that time, some North-easterners got involved in violent incident at a gold mine with some Shanglin people. The local police didn't dare interfere, they had to bring in the Armed Police."
Starting in 2005, one story quickly spread across the citizens of Shanglin and it started a rush to Ghana.  In this story one Shanglin man brought his entire savings of 5,000,000 yuan ($806,000) to Ghana and three years later was able to turn that into 100 million yuan ($16 million).
In Ghana, Shanglin people are concentrated in small gold mines located in Kumasi, Obuasi, Dakui city, and Jiaokui city. "The people who can come here, almost always also bring their relatives or friends along with them."  says Tan Xinhua.  These days, Mr. Tan has around 30 relatives, classmates and friends in Ghana.  These people mostly come from three villages in Shanglin county; Mingliang, Dafeng, and Gangxian.  In total, these villages have a population of 30,000-50,000.
Ghana has the nickname of "The Gold Coast", and gold panning in the area has over 100 years of history. Recently about 985 tons of gold has been discovered in Ghana, which makes it about 3% of all the world's gold resources.  With this amount of gold, Ghana is behind South Africa as the Continent's second largest gold supplier.
The earliest Chinese people to come look for gold in Ghana came from the city of Hei Longjiang.  It was then in the late 90's when the atmosphere changed, people from Shuzhou, Hunan started coming over but met little success.  It was not until the people from Shanglin County came that Chinese people mined gold successfully.  "Ghana-China's mining cooperative secretary Su Zhenyu explains, Shanglin gold mining groups only mine nugget gold, to wash this type of gold one cannot leave water, because of the business of mining nugget gold is concentrated in Oder or Tano River banks.
Ghana's Gold Coast has many large gold mines, the earliest being Newmont, Gold Fields, Anglogold and Ashanti that were run by British and American gold mining companies.  This type of beach-side gold was not fitting to the large gold mine company's machinery, and the local Ghanian people's panning methods were inefficient and the output was small, working this way was no good.
Then in 2005, Shanglin people took their pumping skills and brought them in Ghana. This completely changed Ghana's gold extracting structure.  The way Shanglin people use the nugget pump is only something people from Shanglin County understand, and they do not transfer their knowledge to outsiders.  Because of this China gold workers exist in their own circles. Here, there is a popular saying, "People who are not from Shanglin cannot run the machines."
In Ghana, most of the Shanglin business people cooperate with the local tribal chief (landlord).  In order to find a new place to mine and a place to live one must pay 20-30 thousand Ghanaian currency for an "entering the market fee".   Tan Xinhua bought 25 acres of land for 25,000 Cidi ($12,500), this amounts to about 80,000 yuan.  If the land is used for growing crops, one just pays the average yield price for the year multiplied by 20.
The laws in Ghana regarding large mines and small mines are different: Mines that are less than 25 acres are suppose to be limited to local Ghanaian people to open, but Shanglin people have found a way around this law.
"All one needs to do is be on good terms with the local tribal chief and you can start working."  Tan Xinhua says. "Because all the land belongs to the tribal chief, thus the mining rights are also in his hands, we could say, this is the tribal chief's mine, we just help him extract (the gold)."
To strengthen the alliance with the local landlords, Shanglin people and the landlords sign a contract.  Often the landlord holds anywhere between a 10-12% stake in the mine.  Then everyday after mining, the landlord comes by to take his share and leaves.  There are also some other methods used, for example, every month the miners will give 10,000 Ghana currency to the landlord, this way the miners do not have to give the landlord mining rights.
How can one be sure if they land they bought has gold?  The man with only a middle school education, Tan Xinhua explains that the Shanglin people already have deep experience in finding gold, we can look at the land formation, wash a small bit of land and "In one casual look, know if there is gold here."
Tan Xinhua's mine employees five of his home village's people and two local Ghanians. The local people's salary are all set in stone; 1 day / 12 Cidi ($6) and have an average monthly salary of 280-300 Cidi ($140-$150) 3x times salary of the average Ghanian.  Many of the people who come from Shanglin are of the Zhuang minority group in China, and have cooperated with the local people for a long time, so much so that some of the local people can speak a little of the Zhuang people's language.
This is in contrast to workers from Shanglin, who have a base salary of about 6000 yuan ($970) a month and on top of that they receive a commission of 2-3% on their findings.  "In three years I have just been a laborer and have taken in about 300,000 yuan ($48,000) in income" says Tan Xinhua.
Ghanaian mining data shows that in 2011, the entire country of Ghana extracted 3.6 million ounces of gold, among this 30% came from small mines.   Su Zhenyu estimates, Shanglin people control about 40% of all small gold mines in Ghana.
Because of this, Shanglin has become an important town.  Many kinds of excavators, water guns and other machinery for excavating and sold and transported to Shanglin.  It is there where the machines are equipped specifically for gold excavation and finally they are sent through Shenzhen ports to Ghana.   This March has been the largest ever shipment from Shanglin to Ghana. This past March, Shanglin County has shipped over 100 cargo boxes full of equipment through Shenzhen's Yantian port to Ghana.
The Soaring Gun Trade
With the development of Shanglin gold panners in Ghana getting rich, there has been a coinciding increase in the amount of armed robberies against them.  Last March, one person from Shanglin was robbed by the gunpoint of an AK47, in the end he was shot 27 times.
"In 2011, us gold workers in Kumasi used our guns twice." Shanglin gold worker Li Zengquan said.  Both times they used them were in gun fights that happened during the day.  All in all, two Chinese and two Ghanians were killed in the firefight.
"While living in a foreign place, the most important thing to consider is preserving your life, making money is secondary." says Shanglin gold collector Hu Xiongshi.  Mr Hu's mining site often finds over 200 pieces of gold.   "If a few dozen robbers come, holding a few dozen guns, of course we have no way of fighting back, if we can give them some gold and some money, and nobody is hurt, this is fine."
As for reporting crimes to the authorities, Shanglin business people have no hope.  "What's the use? You really think they could solve the case?" Tan Xinhua remarked.  If they report a crime, the police are more likely to come to the work site and extort them for money.  Mr. Tan explained that before when the police would come they would give them a a little money and they'd leave, now they have to give hundreds of yuan.
In order to keep safe, the Shanglin gold panners in Ghana often have three to four project teams live together and when they go to sell their gold they will also do it as a group, with seven or eight body guards watching their backs.  Many of the Shanglin gold panning teams have a few AK47's on hand.  Where as gold miners often carry handguns and a few hunting rifles.  Often one can hear news broadcasted about a gun fight between Shanglin business people and local gangs.  It is estimated that there are over 10,000 guns in the hands of Shanglin gold workers and Chinese business people.  Going along with the increased demand the local price for a hunting rifle has risen from 1800 Cidi to 3000 Cidi or about 10,000 yuan ($1500).
In the Ghanaian forests there are many alligators, types of birds, tigers, and snakes. All of these animals the local people do not eat, but the people from Shanglin have guns and often upon enter the mountainous or lake areas they will go hunting.  Everyday they eat ant-eater meat, alligator soup, tiger soup; eating this food shocks the local people.
Shanglin gold panners also face another enemy in Ghana, the prevalence of diseases.  Ghana's transmittable diseases are plenty and the mining areas are often in the deep forests, far away from the big city's hospitals, if a person gets sick there is no chance to heal them, they will just become an exotic corpse.
Lately another major problem are visas.  Shanglin People in Ghana almost all use travel or non-work visas,  both coming from the third world country of Ghana.  These visas are not sufficient to work in Ghana, and often Ghanaian immigration bureau will deport workers.
In the past, when the immigration bureau authorities would come, you would just give them a few coolers of spring water, and a few hundred of the local currency and they would leave." Tan Xinhua complains,"Now they will lock you up, exhort you for bail money and then let you go, or even worse they will deport you."  And if the Shanglin people go and hide in the deep forest, the immigration bureau can take away the work sites' machinery and equipment.  With one machine being worth more than 1 million yuan ($161,000), that's a terrible loss to take.
Kumasi Becomes "Shanglin World"
It is said that with high risk comes high rewards.  "In Ghana, only about 50-60% of gold miners end up making money."  explains Hu Xiongshi.
Shanglin people's investments into Ghanaian gold projects total at over 1000. If one would guess that each project is around 3 million yuan, that means Shanglin business people have invested over 3 billion yuan in Ghana.  These gold mining places most often have two excavators that in one day can find between 200-300 grams of gold.   If one is having a lucky day they can find over 1k, of course there are also those who fall into bad luck, where one day they only find 30-50 grams, even worse sometimes they end up with nothing.
If on an average day, in an average gold site miners find 300 grams of gold, and the international price of gold is 280 yuan a gram, that means in one day's work they will make 100,000 yuan ($16,000), this of course does not factor in expenses. Although in one day a site can have tens of thousands of yuan in revenue, average yearly intake often does not amount to 10's of millions of yuan.
Once Shanglin people extract their gold, they often sell it to people from Hunan, Zhejiang and Fujian, there are also some Indian and local buyers of the gold.  The buyers bring the gold to the international market to sell, where the price is set in accordance with that day's international gold prices.   The end buyers earn the least amount of money from the transaction.
If it is people from Zhejiang or Fujian who buy for the international market, they rarely use local banks to remit their money, the majority of them transfer money by using their Chinese bank account to transfer money to a Shanglin person's Chinese bank account.
A source from the Industrial and Commercial bank of Guangxi revealed that in May-June of 2011 Shanglin county financed over 1 billion yuan ($162.2 million) in foreign deposits, this grabbed national attention as Shanglin county's 2012 fiscal reserves just surpassed 300 million yuan ($48.3 million).
To support the newly rich Shanglin people, cities like Kumasi are starting to resemble Chinese cities.   In the city there are Chinese restaurants, hotels, supermarkets, hotels, and KTVs. Although the local Ghanian people do not eat Chinese vegetables, but some grow these vegetables in order to meet the new demand.
Tan Xinhua complains that most of the goods come from China and are the same products that you would find in any Chinese cities but the price is 3x that of in China.   "Master Kang ramen noodles are 4 yuan ($.60) for on packet back home, but here they are 12 yuan ($2) each!  Lettuce is also 20 yuan a jin (1.1 pounds / 1/2 kg)"
Even though the business people from Shanglin mostly use machinery and equipment from China, the major brands all have service stations in Ghana.  "Parts for our machines are also 3x the price as back home, using Chinese products is a love-hate relationship"
Chinese doctors are also very welcome here, as here you can make over 20,000 yuan ($3225) a month, some make even more.
Other service enterprises have also came to the area.  "There is a boss from Fujian who started a large restaurant here, he just got over 100 servers from China to come with him." says Tan Xinhua, "Of course, the servers monthly salary are all a few times more than what they could get in China, if they weren't, how could they get them to come here?"
In Ghana, the majority of people from Shanglin are male, some of them simply marry local women, and have mixed children together.  There are even some Ghanaian wives who can speak fluently in the Zhuang people's language.  As their children get older some people get a headache trying to decide whether or not they want to go back to China  for their children to receive an education.
Shanglin's business people's gold money has also made the local casino's flourish.  In Shanglin gold panners are concentrated in Dunkua city. Some professional casinos have set up gambling games for the gold workers.  It is said that at least 20% of panners income enters into the casinos, some people have even lost their entire family fortune.
Tan Xinhua does not go to the casinos.  He hopes that in three years time he can accumulate at least 10 million yuan ($1.6 million).  With that money he could give his parents a big and safe place to spend their later years.  At the same time he wishes to buy a nice house in Nanning for himself, where he can live with the beautiful wife he will find.  Finally he hopes, "To open a tea house and sometimes talk to my customers about my experience panning for gold in Ghana."
*From their own requests, Tan Xinhua and Hu Xiongshi are not the interviewees real names.
第一张照片,一个中国人捧着一大块黄金,背后站着手握AK47的黑人保镖;第二张照片,一个年青中国男子搂着他的黑人妻子,肆意地欢笑。
这是谭信华发来的两张照片。谭介绍说,图中的中国人都是他的广西上林县同乡,在非洲国家加纳投资金矿。有一说法称,在加纳,约有5万上林人。素称“黄金海岸”的加纳,现在几乎所有中小型淘金矿都是上林人的天下。他们以做砂金为主。
“有餐馆的地方就有中国人,有金子的地方就有上林人。”谭信华形容说。谭是80后,和许多上林的年青人一样,高中没读完就去了加纳。他在加纳的库玛西有自己的淘金生产线,他泡在那里,已经3年没回国,只用越洋电话和家中父母沟通。他的目标是未来3年内跻身千万富翁。
“上林帮”过去8年的加纳淘金旅程,像是美国18世纪西部淘金史的翻版:血汗、暴富、枪战,以命相搏。有人负债累累被遣返,有人在与黑帮的暴力冲突中丧生,有人患虐疾一病不起,埋在了异国他乡。
更多衣锦还乡的传奇也在上演:有人回乡一出手就送亲戚一块金砖 ;有人在香港转机回广西途中,用电话下单订购了南宁的别墅和法拉利跑车. 不下三位上林商人证实,这8年,他们的圈子中产生了6到8个身家上亿者。
大量被雇佣的工人,巨量的石油消耗,可观的税收,被污染的河流,被挖得千疮百孔的土地,上万支流落在上林商帮中的枪支,此起彼伏的抢劫,这一切使加纳人对于上林帮形成爱和恨两个矛盾的极端。
自2012年10月底到今年初,加纳发起数次遣返中国商人的多部门联合行动,中国政府已介入谈判,与加方交涉。在紧张不安的等待中,上林帮的采金作业仍在继续。
肉眼探金的绝技
谭信华2010年第一次出国就来到加纳,在上林人自己的金矿里打了一年工,2011年11月开始创业单干。
上林素有采金传统,上世纪90年代曾上演过“万名金农闯关东”。“上林人个虽小,但团结,敢斗狠,把牛高马大的东北人都打怕了。”谭信华描述说,“当时东北一些涉及上林人的金矿暴力案,当地警察都不敢管,要出动武警。”
从2005年开始,一个广为流传的故事又使上林人涌向了加纳。这个故事称,一个上林老乡带了全副身家500万跑到加纳,3年后就变成了1个亿。
在加纳的上林人多集中在库马西市、奥布阿西、打夸市、敦夸市,而这些是小金矿的集中地。“能出来的人,一般都会把亲戚和朋友都带出来。”谭信华说。谭目前就有30多位亲戚、同学及朋友在加纳。这些人主要来自上林县的明亮、大丰、巷贤三个镇,总数约在3-5万人之间。
加纳素有“黄金海岸”之称,黄金开采已有百年历史,目前探明黄金储量约985吨,占世界黄金总产量的3%,为仅次于南非的非洲第二大产金国。
“最早来加纳采金的中国人来自黑龙江,上世纪90年代末,湖南株洲人相继进入,但真正做成气候的是上林的采金者。”加纳·中国矿业协会秘书长苏震宇介绍说,上林采金群体以砂金开采为主,洗砂环节离不开水,因此砂金生意多集中在加纳的澳芬河、Tano River等河流沿岸。
加纳以岩金为主的大型金矿,早先被Newmont、Gold Fields、AngloGold Ashanti等英、美大矿公司圈走。只有河滩边的砂金,不适宜大型采金设备,而加纳本地人对砂金采用挖坑、搬料、淘金等人力方式,效率低、产量少,一直做不好。
直到2005年,上林人将砂泵技艺传入加纳,才彻底改变了加纳砂金开采的格局。上林的砂泵技术只有上林人才懂,技术不外传。因此在中国采金人圈子里,流传着“非上林人不组机”一说。
在加纳,上林商人一般和当地地主NANA(村庄酋长)合作,寻找持有采矿许可证的地主,缴纳2-3万塞地(注:加纳货币)的“进场费”。谭信华买的地是25英亩,交了2.5万塞地,相当于人民币8万元。买的地上如有农作物,则按农作物价值一次性赔偿20年。
加纳法律将金矿分大矿和小矿两类:25英亩以下小矿仅限加纳本国人开采。但上林人自有绕过法律关卡的办法。
“只要和酋长们说好条件,就能采。”谭信华说,因为土地是酋长的,矿产证也在他手里,我们可以说,这是本国酋长的矿,我只是帮他开采而已。
为了强化和地主们的利益联盟,上林人会与地主签约,地主占矿区股权的10-12%,每天产完金后,地主会在晚上过来将属于他的份额拿走。也有不同的方式,比如一个月给地主1万塞地,那就不用给地主矿权。
如何确定你买的土地有金?只有初中文化的谭信华介绍说,上林人已形成看金的独门经验:看地形,在开采前清洗一小片土地,“一看就知道有没有金”。
谭信华的矿雇有5个上林同乡、两个当地人。对当地人工资都是现结,一天给12塞地,平均月工资是280-300元塞地,是当地工资的三四倍。上林人多为壮族,与当地黑人相处久了,当地人也会说一点壮话。
至于上林籍的工人,则有6000元/月的底薪,外加每天产量2-3%的提成。“三年下来,就算只是打工,也有30万左右的收入。”谭信华说。
加纳矿业商会的数据显示,2011年,加纳全国黄金产量为360万盎司,其中30%来自小型矿场。苏震宇估计,上林人控制的小型矿场,实际的产量占比可能达到40%。
家乡因此成了上林人的设备重镇。众多挖掘机、钩机、水枪等被采购后运到上林,按金矿的需求重新改装,再通过深圳海关运往加纳。今年3月份最多时,上林县通过深圳盐田港发往加纳的设备就有100多个集装箱。
暴涨的枪支行情
随着上林淘金者在加纳发财,针对他们的抢劫案此起彼伏。3月份,一位上林人遇劫身亡,劫匪用AK47在他身上打了27枪。
“2011年一年,我们在库玛西的采金工地就被抢劫两次。”上林采金者李增全说,当时在白天发生了枪战,中加两方人员互有死伤。
“异国生存,首先是保命,财是次要的。” 上林采金者胡宏石说。胡的工地上常留有200克金子。“如果几十个劫匪来了,几十把枪肯定没法反抗,那就把这些金子和钱拿走吧,不伤人就好。”
对于报案,上林商人从不抱指望。“有什么用,能破案吗?”谭信华说,报了案,警察来工地敲竹杠会更频繁,先前每次塞给几十元人民币就会走,现在要给数百元。
为保安全,在加纳的上林淘金者常常三四个工程队住在一起,或是共同出去卖金,这样可以集中七八名保镖。很多上林淘金队手上都有几支AK47,金矿工地常备有手枪和八连发猎枪。经常有上林商人和匪帮枪战的消息传出。据估计有上万支枪支掌握在以上林淘金队为主的中国商人手中。由于需求水涨船高,当地8连发“来福”猎枪售价已从先前的1800塞地暴涨到3000塞地(约1万人民币)。
加纳森林盛产鳄鱼和其它各种鸟类、老虎、蛇,当地人从来不吃。上林商人们因为有枪,就经常跑到湖里和山里打猎,天天吃穿山甲肉,喝鳄鱼汤、老虎汤,把当地人都惊呆了。
上林淘金者面对的另一个大敌是加纳盛行的虐疾。加纳热带传染病多,矿区又多在森林深处,距开在大城市的医院较远,病了医治不及,就只能埋尸异国。
而最近才出现的威胁是,由于上林人在加纳绝大多持的是旅游签证而非劳务签证,都是从第三国进入加纳,签证先天不足,故常遭遇加纳移民局驱逐。
“先前移民局的官员过来时,拿几箱矿泉水,给几百塞地就可以把他们打发走,”谭信华抱怨,“现在会把你关起来,交更多的保释金才能放人,或是遣返。”如果上林人躲进丛林,移民局会将工地上的机械等物资都拿走,机器一台上百万元,损失惨重。
库玛西的上林小世界
与高风险相对应的是高收益。“在加纳的上林淘金者赚钱的几率是50-60%。”胡宏石说。
上林人在加纳投资的采金生产线超过1000条,以每条300万元成本计算,上林商帮在加纳的投资多达30亿元。这些淘金工地,一般一个工地配两台挖掘机,一天产200-300克黄金算是平均水平。运气奇佳者一天能采到1公斤;当然也有倒霉的,一天只有30-50克,甚至挂空挡。
一般工地如果每天采300克,按当前国际金价280元/克算,一天收入接近10万元人民币,扣除费用,一天仍有数万的收入,年入千万并非神话。
上林人在淘出金后,会把金矿转手卖给湖南人、浙江人和福建人,甚至还有印度和当地的购金者,买家多带到国际现货市场出售,售价按照当天国际金价下浮一定幅度后出售,买家吃的就是其中的利差。
如果是以浙江、福建人为主的国际买家,只有少部分通过当地银行汇款方式到卖家帐上,大部分的做法是直接在国内转帐到上林人在国内的户头中。
一位工商银行广西分行的人士透露,在2011年5、6月份,上林县曾经在半个月内金融系统涌入10多亿外来存款,引发国家层面的关注,因为上林县2012年财政收入才刚刚突破3亿元。
围绕着暴富的上林人,在库玛西等数个加纳城市里,出现了大小不一的中国城。城里中餐馆、酒店、超市、医院、KTV一应俱全。由于加纳当地人不吃蔬菜,甚至有人专门到库玛西种菜,供给上林商人。
谭信华抱怨,由于大多是从中国国内空运而来,中国城里的商品,价格一律是国内的3倍以上。“康师傅方便面国内是4块钱一包,这里是12块钱,而青菜则是20元/斤。”
由于上林商人多采用国内的机械工程设备,故此三一、柳工、力士德等都在加纳有服务网点。“零部件价格也是国内的三倍,爱要不要。”
中国医生在这里也极受欢迎,待遇可以达到2万元/月人民币甚至更多。
就连性服务行业也被带动起来。“有一个福建老板开了个酒楼,直接从国内带了上百个小姐过来。”谭信华说,“当然,小姐的月薪也是国内的几倍,否则谁会跑这来?”
在加纳的上林商人绝大多数为男性,有的直接娶当地女性为妻,生个黄黑相加的孩子,讲着一口流利的壮话。随着孩子长大,有的人开始头疼要不要带孩子回去接受国内的教育。
上林商人的金钱还带来当地赌场的繁荣。在上林采金人聚集的敦夸,一些赌场专门为淘金人设置赌博游戏,据传至少20%的淘金收入投进了赌场。有人为此倾家荡产。
谭信华从不光顾赌场。他希望在3年内积攒起千万的财富,然后给父母盖一个很大而安享晚年的大宅院,同时在南宁安家,娶一个漂亮的媳妇,“开一个茶庄,偶尔给客人讲讲我在加纳淘金的故事”。
(应受访者要求,谭信华和胡宏石为化名)

Chinese People in Africa: An Inside View Into Their Daily Lives (Translation) Part 6 – Kenya

Chinese law magazine "Rule of Law Weekly" interviewed six Chinese people who are working in Africa.  Each individual works in a different country and they all have a story to tell.  The following is the sixth installment in the six-part series.
Kenya
Rule of Law Weekly reporter Gao Yin   Translation by Erik Myxter
"First I wanted to gain more knowledge and experience.  Secondly I was young and thought that maybe in the future I will not have the chance to go to Africa, so why not go and have a look?" With this kind of a mindset in the end of the 2011 Liu Yu (pseudonym) went to the East African country of Kenya to work for the company Zoomlion.
Initially he came to this country famous for its top-class long-distance runners and was surprised to find out the country's weather was like a continuous spring with temperatures at 25 degrees Celsius a year.  When he went to the local Chinese supermarket and was able to buy Wang Shou Yi (a famous Chinese brand) seasoning, his initial strangeness to the country was cut in half.  With everything going in his favor, he adapted to live in the "Kenyan mode"
Liu Yu mainly works in sales, irrigation building and trade.
While speaking with customers, Liu Yu received much of his information about local laws, procedures and news.
"For example I learned about clearing customs, the products under law that are subject to taxes and information about duty and VAT.  Another example of some news he learned was when the new president of Zambia took office he issued a decree that bound the customs and Inland revenue Department and now all data can be directly linked to customs in effort to prevent corruption." He said.
As for Kenya's law environment, Liu Yu thinks highly of it saying, "Kenya's law environment is loose, as long as you comply with the law and behave yourself, don't kill people, and don't start fires then no one gives you any trouble."
In a blink of an eye, Liu Yu found himself to have already been in Kenya for over a year.  During this time he occasionally goes to Tanzania and Zambia.  In these three countries the local people say Chinese enterprises are very good.  "They will point at a road and say, 'This is a road Chinese people built, Very good!’"
During Liu Yu's time in Kenya there has been one man who has given him a deep impression.
"Before there was man who was a cleaner at a hotel I was staying at.  He was very enthusiastic and brought me to many markets where I could buy things in Nairobi.  He didn't take any money for his help and he didn't often say ‘we are friends’ in a fake manner.  He was very caring and honest."
As for the future, Liu Yu is sure to consider himself as someone who likes to create the foundations for the benefit of future generations.  "If I start getting close to 30 years old, and am still in Africa starting a business, this will be hard to accept for my personality."
Liu Yu feels that relative to Europe, America and Asia, Africa is a little child with a massive amount of space to grow in the future.  "So in order to evaluate Africa, I think you must start by understanding the continent and to be inclusive to its development perspective."
肯尼亚
法治周末记者 高欣
“一是多见识、多历练;二是考虑到现在年轻,以后年纪大了,总不会去大非洲旅游吧?于是先去看看。”抱着这样的念头,2011年年末,刘宇(化名)被中联重科股吧)派至东非国家肯尼亚。
最初来到这个盛产顶级长跑运动员的国度,刘宇有些惊讶于这里“全年25摄氏度、四季如春”的气候。当他在当地的中国超市买到王守义十三香时,最初的陌生感消融了一大半。而自从带了象棋去杀遍四方无敌手后,他正式适应了“肯尼亚模式”。
刘宇的工作主要是销售、渠道、市场。
在和客户的聊天中,刘宇获得了许多国家法律法规的信息。
“比如海关清关,法律规定该产品需交多少税,duty和VAT的比重各占多少;又比如赞比亚总统上台后就颁布法令,将海关, 税务局绑定,以后税务局能直接关联海关所有数据,以防止贪弊之风。”他说。
对于肯尼亚的法治环境,刘宇评价很高:“肯尼亚环境相当宽松,只要安分守己,不杀人、不放火,自然没人找麻烦。”
一转眼,在肯尼亚已一年多。期间,他还偶尔跑坦桑尼亚和赞比亚。在这三个国家,当地老百姓都说中国企业“顶呱呱”。“他们会指着一条路对你说:这是中国人修的路,顶呱呱!”
在刘宇的肯尼亚生活中,一位本地小伙儿给他留下了深刻印象。
“这个小伙子之前在我们酒店里打扫房间。他很热情,给我介绍内罗毕哪些地方可以买到好东西,还专门带我去看过市场。他也不收钱,也很少会有‘we are friends’这种大路话。他善良、正直。”
对于未来,刘宇直言,自己比较喜欢当“前人栽树、后人乘凉”的后人。“如果要一路筚路蓝缕30年,在非洲热土开创事业,这依我的性格比较难接受。”他说。
刘宇觉得,相对于欧美、亚洲,非洲还只是一个蹒跚学步的小孩儿,未来发展空间巨大。“所以要评价非洲,我觉得要先理解这片大陆,要用包容的、发展的眼光看。

Chinese People in Africa: An Inside View Into Their Daily Lives (Translation) Part 5 – Angola

Chinese law magazine "Rule of Law Weekly" interviewed six Chinese people who are working in Africa.  Each individual works in a different country and they all have a story to tell.  The following is the fifth installment in the six-part series.
Angola
Rule of Law Reporter Ji Dongye    Translation by Erik Myxter
Du Qing (pseudonym) is one of Beijing Construction Group's electrical engineers.  Since the beginning of 2009 until the end of 2012 he was in West Africa's Angola.  Because the project was completed, 32-year-old Du Qing came back from Angola to China.  Because of his family he does not plan to come back to Angola again.
Du Qing's company's project was in a suburb of Angola's capital.  After more than 27 years of civil war, the inequality between the rich and the poor has become a huge phenomenon.  "Here there are many Chinese people.  It is said that the local population (of Angola) is around 20 million people, where the population of Chinese people here is 260,000.  But the foundation of the Chinese in Angola are people who come to work on a project, do business or are migrant workers, there aren't any people who are immigrating here to stay."  He said, "There are many engineers and also some people who engage in foreign trade."
The rhythm of live in Angola is not particularly fast.  Here the local people go to work at nine in the morning and get off of work at three in the afternoon.  That being said, many of the Chinese people will work overtime.
Some Chinese people find it difficult to accept Angola's leisurely lifestyle.  "At customs, the workers inspect baggage in a laid-back manner.  This will make the Chinese people who are eager to go home very worried." Du Qing says.
Every time he goes to the supermarket checkout Du Qing must sort out his money and put it on the counter.  "In the past some Chinese people did not head to this custom and they threw money at the worker, if you do that the (Angolan) people will be very angry."
Working in Angola is hard, but the salary is comparatively higher so there are many people who still come here. "Chinese people are very hard working, they especially can eat bitterness and worked tirelessly.  Chinese people can easily take all of these jobs in Africa."
Before he went abroad, Du Qing's company gave him relatively good amount of training, but now there is less training available and it just mostly covers safety.
Xie Fei (pseudonym) and Du Qing worked for the same company doing office administrative work for almost two years. Xie Fei told Rule of Law reporters "before I left, the company would be united in giving anti-infectious disease vaccines."
"In that company and at China Iron and CITIC we usually could not go out alone.  We don't have much contact with other projects Chinese people are doing.  Most often we are focused on doing our work." Du Qing said.
Du Qing genuinely felt that Chinese people have made a large contribution over there. "For example we have constructed basic infrastructure, residential areas, roads and railways.”
"The economy is developing quickly over there, there are large supermarket chains and tons of infrastructure has been built up." Du Qing said.
In Angola, most of the local people are very friendly towards Chinese people.  Xie Fei says: "Most of the people are very enthused about China's attitude.  I have heard that some other Chinese company's host parties with their local African employees; everyone gets together and has a great time.
"Local traffic police enforcement is relatively strict, they can stop you to see if you have a fire extinguisher inside your car or if you brought your passport or if you broke one of the traffic rules.” Du Qing said.  “But on the other hand, they are not as strict with the local population." Xie Fei said.
In Angola, personal safety is always Du Qing focal point.  "You must rely on yourself to be safe." Du Qing told the reporter, "When you go outside you want to go with someone else, do not go out alone.  Also before you go out you want to tell your company.  Let your leaders know where you are going and if they need to how can they get in contact with you."
A normal day's work is very hard, Xie Fei and Du Qing both only had one day off a week. "The company's organization structure is like a small island, where the scenery was beautiful, and I could eat all the shrimp I wanted.  I also had the chance to go to Moon Bay, which was naturally formed by crater landscape." Xie Fei said.
安哥拉
法治周末记者 汲东野
杜清(化名)是北京建工集团一名机电工程师。从2009年初到2012年年底,他在西非国家安哥拉待了近四年时间。随着一期工程完工,32岁的杜清从安哥拉回国。因为家庭原因,以后不打算再出去了。
杜清公司的项目在安哥拉的首都郊区。经历过27年内战,首都存在贫富差距现象。“这里的中国人很多。据说当地一共有人口两千万左右,中国人就占到二十六万。不过基本都是过去做项目或经商的流动人员,没有移民过去留下的。”他说,“工程类的多,还有一些搞外贸生意的。”
安哥拉人的生活节奏不是特别快,当地人上午九点上班,下午三点就下班了。不过,在那的中国人还是会加班干点活。
对于安哥拉的悠闲,有些中国人还是很难接受。“在海关的时候,他们会不慌不忙地检查你的行李。这就会让回家心切的中国人很着急。”杜清说。
每次去超市,结账时,杜清都要把钱整理好,把手放在柜台上,“板正地给”。“以前有些中国人不注意这个,扔给人家,人家就会很生气。”
在安哥拉工作也很辛苦,但相对于更高的工资,还是有很多人来到这里。“中国人很勤劳,特别能吃苦耐劳。这些在非洲的活儿,中国人干起来得心应手。”
以前出国时,杜清的公司会给比较多的培训,现在少了,主要都是讲安全方面。
谢霏(化名)和杜清就职于同一家企业,她在非洲做办公行政工作接近两年时间。她告诉法治周末记者:“过去之前,公司会统一打一些防传染疾病的疫苗。”
“在那边的公司还有中铁、中信等。不过,我们一般不会一个人出去,和别的工程的中国人接触的也不太多,平时主要还是以干活为主。”杜清说。
杜清打心眼儿里感觉,中国人在那边的贡献挺大。“比如基础设施的建设,社区、道路、铁路建设。”
“那边发展得很快,大型连锁超市啊、很多基础设施都建起来了。”杜清说。
在安哥拉,大多数当地人对中国人是友好的。谢霏说:“大部分人对中国态度都挺热情。听说,有其他中国公司还和非洲当地人一起办晚会呢,一起玩得很开心。
“当地的交警执法也比较严,他们会注意到你的车上有没有灭火器,是否带护照,是否违反交通规则。如果出现问题,会有金钱上的惩罚。有时候移民局也要查护照。”杜清说。
“不过,他们对于当地人或许没有这么严格。”谢霏说。
在安哥拉,人身安全一直是杜清所重视的。“靠自己注意安全。”杜清对记者说,“出门都要结伴,不允许一个人出去。而且出门前要跟公司报告,让领导知道你去哪里了,必须得能联系的上你。”
平日工作辛苦,谢霏和杜清都会期待一周一次的休息日。“公司组织去过一个小岛,风景很美,还可以吃龙虾自助餐。还去过当地的月亮湾,有天然形成的大坑地貌。”谢霏说。

Chinese People in Africa: An Inside View Into Their Daily Lives (Translation) Part 1 – Intro / Nigeria

Chinese law magazine "Rule of Law Weekly" interviewed six Chinese people who are working in Africa.  Each individual works in a different country and they all have a story to tell.  The following is the first installment in the six-part series.
Chinese People in Africa: An Inside View into Their Daily Lives (Translation)
April 24th 2013 1:27am   Source: Rule of Law Weekly Reporter: Gao Jin Translation by Erik Myxter
Although it acts as a major transportation hub for several continents, today the Dubai airport feels a bit like a Chinese airport.  Look around and about 80% of who you will see are Chinese business men, company employees, government officials and workers.  Their next stop: Africa.
On March of this year the newly appointed head of China, Xi Jinping arrived in Africa to make visits to Tanzania, South Africa and the Republic of Congo.  He also was one of the major leaders to attend the fifth ever BRICS summit in Durban, South Africa.
Although Africa's economy has a weak foundation and its infrastructure is in need of improvement, however the area is rapidly developing and the potential market is huge.  With each passing day Chinese-African relations are becoming deeper, and more and more Chinese people are choosing this completely wild and hopeful land to work and live.
But for many people who have not been to Africa, Africa still is somewhat of a mystery.
Where in Africa are there Chinese people? What do they do for work? How do they live? What kind of "African Rules" have they encountered?
Nigeria
Rule of Law Weekly reporter Gao Jin
Five years ago, Zhou Yifeng (pseudonym) was sent to work for a company in Nigeria.  Before this time he had already gone to Egypt, Kenya and a few other countries for short vacations, so when he was preparing to go to Nigeria, he wasn't very worried.
When he arrived, Zhou Yifeng still felt the same: "It has been a little better than I expected.  I hadn’t had any culture shock."
More differences started to become apparent in his experiences with customers and his living environment.
As an employee of a major Chinese automotive parts company, Zhou Yifeng's work in Nigeria made him often have to deal with other local businesses.  "The local people have respect for big Chinese companies”, he said.
Outside of his time at work, Zhou Yifeng likes to hang out or stay at his home. In his eyes, Africa is like a semi-virgin land. "If it is a country with a good environment, and has law and order, I can lead a long life here”, he said.
作为几大洲的交通枢纽,如今的迪拜机场有些像中国国内机场,到处都是中国人的面孔。商务人士、公司职员、国内官员、务工人员……80%的中国人,下一站会是非洲。
今年3月,新任国家主席习近平也来到了非洲,并出访坦桑尼亚, 南非和刚果(布)三国,还出席在南非德班举行的金砖国家领导人第五次会晤。
非洲经济底子薄,基础设施待完善,但却是一个快速发展的地方,市场潜力巨大。在中非关系日益深化的今天,越来越多的中国人选择来到这片充满野性和希望的大陆上,工作、生活。
而对于许多并未到过非洲的国人来说,非洲却依然显得有些神秘。
那些在非洲的中国人,怎样工作、生活?他们遭遇过怎样的“非洲规则”?
法治周末记者采访了6位在非工作、生活的国人,他们在不同国家、从事着不同职业。每个人都有一段真实而独特的非洲故事。
尼日利亚
法治周末记者 高欣
5年前,赵一峰(化名)被公司派往尼日利亚。之前,他已去过埃及,肯尼亚等地做短期旅游,所以赴尼日利亚之前,他并未有太大担心。
到了当地,赵一峰还是感觉到:“比想象中要好一些。没有文化冲击。”
更多的差异,体现在客户和生活环境上。
作为国内某大型汽车零部件企业员工,赵一峰在尼日利亚的工作经常需要和当地企业及有关部门打交道。“当地人对来自中国的大企业多是尊敬的。”他说。
工作以外的时间,赵一峰或闲逛、或宅在家。在他看来,非洲就像是一片半处女地。“如果是环境好、治安好的国家,是可以长期生活的。”他说。

Chinese People in Africa: An Inside View Into Their Daily Lives (Translation)Part 4 – Gabon

Chinese law magazine "Rule of Law Weekly" interviewed six Chinese people who are working in Africa.  Each individual works in a different country and they all have a story to tell.  The following is the fourth installment in the six-part series.
Gabon
Rule of Law Reporter Yi Li  Translation by Erik Myxter
May is just around the corner and Li Qiang (pseudonym) an employ at a large state owned company is busy packing her suitcase.
Her destination is Africa's Republic of Gabon. This country is located in the middle of Africa's east coast.  On August 17, 1960, Gabon declared independence from France.  On April 20th 1974 China and Gabon instated diplomatic relations.
Li Qiang's reason to go to such a distant land was because of work.
"We can choose to go to Africa, South America or the Middle East." Li Qiang said.  Because he wanted a larger salary so he could prepare to buy a house on his returns home, he chose the cost-effective option of going to Africa.
In fact, Li Qiang is no longer a stranger to Gabon because last summer he spent a year's time in the rural areas of Gabon, doing the same type of work he is doing now.
In order to make sure of employees safety, the company employees a teacher who teaches close-combat skills, fortunately on his last trip to Africa he did not have to use these skills.
Gabon has two points that took this young Chinese man by surprise. "First although there are a few rich people, the local countryside is still relatively backwards.  Secondly, people are very friendly towards Chinese people."
Li Qiang explains, in Gabon he has seen many houses, many of them are made of wood, he rarely sees buildings that have reinforced concrete.
Because Li Qiang works in a company with closed-end management techniques, he is not able to freely go on vacation in this tropical country.  "Our passports are all with the company for safekeeping". Li Qiang said.  The main reason behind doing is for the consideration of staff safety.
"Gabon's police enforcement is very strict." Li Qiang told our Rule of Law reporter.  In his view, the local order was good.
When Li Qiang's company hired some local young people he saw, "The contract must be signed on a month-to-month basis, this showed me there is a strong local awareness of the protection of worker's rights.  Also when you terminate a contract, not only does one must go through some troublesome procedures, but the company also has to compensate the local workers."
On a normal day, except for eating and sleeping, the company's Chinese and Gabonese staffs are always together and get along very harmoniously.  After the two groups became harmonious, Li Qiang found Gabonese people's personalities have special characteristics.  "They are very content with their lives, this is very unlike doing business with local Chinese people who are always working actively to make more money."
However, the content Gabonese people also can very easily smell a business opportunity when they see Chinese people.
Many street peddlers’ can speak a few words of Chinese.  Li Qiang said; "On the one hand they are envious of China's ability to develop so quickly, but on the other hand they are very willing to work with Chinese people do to business.
In accordance with Gabonese's law, it is forbidden to trade Ivory.  In 1981 the central African states wrote legislation forbidding the killing of elephants.  However, today there are still many foreigners who take the risk because of the potential earnings they can make.
Li Qiang disclosed that Chinese firms have banned employees from buying ivory products, and his company has never had an individual try to buy ivory.  This is related to how thorough Gabon's custom's inspection handles affairs where the consequences can range from "fines to not being able to re-enter the country."
One could easily sum up Li Qiang's life in Africa as being very relaxed. Outside of work he has a lot of free time.  The other young workers are the same as him in often watching movies from their removable hard drives during their free time. "I rely on this (watching movies) to pass the time."
In rural Gabon, people mainly rely on collecting plants, fruits, roots and hunting to get food.  Most of everyday living products are "made in China", but the availability of them is limited and the prices are high.
For example, the local villagers consider cameras, cell phones and other electronic goods luxury items.
"You can sell a feature phone in China from 200-300 Yuan, but in Gabon the price for a phone converted into RMB would equal more than 1000 Yuan. " Li Qiang said.
Outside of State Owned Enterprises, there are a good amount of Chinese businessmen who are in Gabon panning for gold.  Some others run small convenience stores and some others come to Gabon to buy wood to export to China.  The Gabonese people see the same thing as the Chinese people.  Chinese people see this African country has much room for development and is "full of hope".
For his own reasons it has been a more practical option to come to Gabon to work in order to scrape together a down payment to buy a house in China.  Li Qiang hopes that his time in Gabon won't last too long.
加蓬
法治周末记者 尹丽
五月渐近,某大型国企工作人员李强(化名)开始忙碌地收拾行囊。
他的目的地,是非洲加蓬共和国。这是一个位于非洲中部东海岸的国家。1960年8月17日,加蓬脱离法国统治独立。1974年4月20日,中国与加蓬建交。
而李强之所以要前往这个遥远的国度,是因为工作需要。
“我们可以选择去非洲、南美洲还是中东地区。”李强说,自己因为希望有更多收入,好为回国买房做准备,于是选择了“性价比”相对较高的非洲。
事实上,加蓬对于李强而言,已经并不陌生。去年夏天,他就曾在加蓬农村地区呆过大半年的时间。同样是因为工作。
公司为了确保员工的安全,请人教授赴非洲的员工近身格斗技巧。但在上一次的非洲之旅中,李强庆幸自己没能用上。
加蓬有两点让这个中国青年人感到意外:“一是当地农村还比较落后,虽然也有一些人富裕起来了。二是人们对中国人挺友善。”
李强介绍,在加蓬,自己看到的多数房子,都是木头搭成的简陋住所。很少看到钢筋混凝土的建筑物。
由于李强所在的公司采用封闭式管理,他无法自由地在这个热带国家游玩。“我们的护照都是公司统一保管”。李强说,这也主要是为员工的安全问题考虑。
“加蓬的警察管理执法很严格。”李强告诉法治周末记者。在他看来,当地治安还不错。
李强所在的公司在加蓬当地聘请了一些青年,“合同一个月一签。当地保护工人权益的意识很强。如果中途解约,不仅手续麻烦,还需要赔偿当地工人”。
平日里,除了吃饭睡觉,公司的中国工人和加蓬工人都在一起,相处也很融洽。与他们接触后,李强眼中的加蓬人的性格特点是“很知足常乐,不像在当地做生意的中国人,总是很积极地努力干活挣钱”。
但是,知足常乐的加蓬人,也很容易就从远道而来的中国人身上嗅到了商机。
很多当地的小贩,都会说几个中国词。李强说:“他们一方面羡慕中国能发展得那么快,一方面也很愿意和中国人做生意。”
依据加蓬法律,象牙是禁止交易的。1981年,这个中非国家就已经立法禁止捕杀大象。然而,在利益的驱使下,还是有不少外国人铤而走险。
李强透露,中国公司明令禁止员工购买象牙制品,公司也从来没有人会购买象牙。因为如被加蓬海关查获,后果“轻则罚款,重则不准再次入境”。
总的来说,李强在非洲的日子还算轻松。工作之外,他有大把的闲暇时间。公司的年轻人和他一样,人手一个移动硬盘,里面都是各自喜欢的电影。“就靠这个打发时间了。”
在加蓬农村,人们主要靠采集植物的果实、根茎以及捕猎来获得食物。生活用品多是“中国制造”。但是不仅数量很少,价格也贵。
而相机、手机等电子产品,对当地农村人来说,更是奢侈品。
“一部2G手机,中国可能也就卖两三百元。但在加蓬,价格折算成人民币要一千多元。”李强说。
除了国企之外,不少中国生意人也在加蓬淘金。他们有的做日用品生意,有的从加蓬买木材出口到中国。就像加蓬人眼中的中国一样,中国人眼中的这个非洲国家,也有很大的发展空间,“充满希望”。
对他自己而言,更为实际的是,能够顺利争取到再次赴加蓬工作的机会,接着凑在中国买房的首付。李强希望,这一次的加蓬之旅,时间不要太长。

Chinese People in Africa: An Inside View into Their Daily Lives (Translation) Part 3 – Ghana

Chinese law magazine “Rule of Law Weekly” interviewed six Chinese people who are working in Africa.  Each individual works in a different country and they all have a story to tell.  The following is the ...

Chinese People in Africa: An Inside View Into Their Daily Lives (Translation) Part 2 – Algeria

Chinese law magazine "Rule of Law Weekly" interviewed six Chinese people who are working in Africa.  Each individual works in a different country and they all have a story to tell.  The following is the second installment in the six-part series.
Algeria
Rule of Law weekly reporter Gao Yin   Translation by Erik Myxter
July 2012, Wang Qing (pseudonym) was sent the North African country Algeria to work as in human resources for a Chinese telecommunications company.
Before arriving, she was worried about disease, but after she arrived she discovered that there was no need to worry.  She enjoyed the friendly environment and has since gradually started to enjoy her new life.
In Algeria there are many Chinese companies.  The largest companies work mainly in infrastructure such as building bridges, roads and so on.  Wang Qing feels that the local people are quite kind to the Chinese here, "They think Chinese people are very hard working."  she said.
Our company has a very mature representation department to handle local affairs, this makes room and board very convenient.  Also because it is a Chinese company, the local employs believe that the Chinese workers are the boss, so there isn't much trouble with communication at work." she noted.
Wang Qing's is in constant correspondence with local employees, because of that one must be proficient in English.  One also must be well acquainted with local labor laws and personnel policies but even with this knowledge, the company cannot avoid sometimes having to deal with the local labor bureau.
"The local people handle affairs in a laid back manner." she says.
Although Wang Qing has been involved and familiar with local laws and policies, after she arrived in Africa, the company and her colleagues informed her on some important matters and gave her a formal introduction and training on the local laws and regulations.
This did not have any effect on Wang Qing's very quick adaptation to Algerian life.  "Sometimes Chinese people who live here complain about the food because they cannot eat pork." she said, "But the thing I love most about here is the non-polluted, blue sky.  At first glance the green grasslands looks like the setting for the Lord of the Rings movies.”
The area has incredibly abundant natural resources, but at the same time many local people are out of work, "If they can take full advantages of their resources, the economy will grow very quickly."
Living in Africa, entertainment activities are limited and not as vibrant as those in China.  Living in Algeria took some time to adapt but  "When I discovered Africa's attractive places, I started to fall in love with life here." she said.
Her time after work is often spent with her fellow co-workers, going out to see the beautiful scenery, walking, or tasting the delicious local food.  "At work I have many Algerian colleagues and they have all become good friends of mine." Wang Qing said.
As for the future, Wang Qing says that she cannot stay in Africa for a long time, "Because I have family (in China)".
阿尔及利亚
法治周末记者 高欣
2012年7月,王青(化名)被所在中国某通讯企业,派至北非国家阿尔及利亚,主要负责公司的人力资源工作。
出发前,她最担心的是疾病。但过去之后,她发现并不需要担心。而当地宜人的气候,让她渐渐能够享受这里的新生活了。
在阿尔及利亚,中国企业非常多,主要是基础设施建设,如桥梁、道路等。王青感觉,当地人对中国人比较友好,“认为中国人勤奋”。
“我们公司在当地有非常成熟的代表处,衣食住行都非常方便。因为是中国公司,本地员工会认你是boss(老板),工作沟通无大障碍。”她说。
王青的工作与当地员工打交道较多,因此英语需熟练,对当地劳动法及相关人事政策需要比较了解,也免不了和当地的劳动局打交道。
“本地人办事不慌不忙。”她说。
虽然已对工作所涉及到的当地 " 法律及政策较熟悉,但王青告诉记者,她刚到非洲时,公司和同事告诉自己一些在阿的注意事项,并未正式接受过有关当地" 法律法规的介绍或培训。
这并不影响王青很快适应了在阿生活。“在这里的中国人,就是偶尔抱怨下饮食,因为不可以吃猪肉。”她说,“最喜爱的是这里没有被污染过的" 蓝天和一眼望去如电影《魔戒》中的绿草原。”
当地有非常丰富的物质和资源,但不少当地人没有工作,“如能充分利用,经济会发展非常快”。
在非生活,娱乐活动比较少,不如国内丰富。但王青觉得,这需要自己去调节适应。“只有发现了非洲有魅力的地方,同样也会适应并爱上这里的生活。”她说
工作以外的时间,她会和同事一起,或到风景区旅游,或散步,或品尝当地美食。“在公司上班的很多阿尔及利亚同事,也都成为大家的朋友。”王青说。
提及未来,王青表示不会长期呆在非洲,“为了家人”。

Will Western Media Report Good News About the Chinese in Africa?

Recently I met with a journalist from a major British media outlet here in Johannesburg. I love having conversations with my journalist friends because from them I can see how the world is going to ...

Anti-African Discrimination on the Rise in China

At least in the governmental level, promoting “people-to-people exchange” between China and Africa was mentioned all the time. However, most of the people-to-people interactions between Chinese and Africans are not through government initiatives of sending a group of African students to a Chinese university in Zhejiang Province, or dispatching a medical team from a Chinese hospital to the hinterland of Congo.
Daily “people-to-people interaction” can be violent and nasty.
On 19th June 2012, the day this blog entrance is being written, “more than 100 Africans protested…outside a police station in China's southern Guangdong province after an African man died in police custody”, reported by Reuters.  This has caused severe traffic jam in the area, and through the photos we can find armed police trying to maintain the order around a large group of Africans in the middle of the road.
This is not the first time Africans rioted on the street of Guangzhou, the city which hosts more than 200,000 Africans (see my blog post series in July 2011). In 2009, a similar incident happened – over 100 Africans protested against the Guangzhou authority after a Nigerian man was killed in an immigration raid led by the city's policeIn one of my blog entrances, I narrated my experience of witnessing many African demonstrators standing against the angry city policemen.
How should we look at this new social problem in China, a country so homogenous in its racial profile now confronting with international migration issues?
In these years increasing number of scholars have involved in researching the African community in China. The most famous work is the published book by the University of Hong Kong researcher Dr. Adams Bodomo after thorough study of the community. Dr. Bodomo showed deep concern of Chinese police’s incompetence and brutality while dealing with African migrants in Guangzhou. He urged African diplomats to raise this issue to the governmental level talks with China, such as Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).
However, if the real issue is racial discrimination, can government initiatives really solve the problem?
For years, I was terrified to find how Chinese people describe Africans. If you randomly go to a Chinese online discussion forum (or called BBS, a social media platform), you probably will be horrified by hearing how people comment on the Africans in their mind. I translate some into English here:

“A large number of blacks caused many social problems in China, such as fights, rapes, drug trafficking, seducing Chinese girls, spreading AIDS, and child of mixed parentage after marring Chinese women. This is hideous!”
“China belongs to the Chinese. The ancestors leave us land for yellow skin and black hair Chinese people to settle down. We can’t let it become a colony of alien’s breeds.”
“I want to throw up when I see these blacks…I can’t believe they are going after our Chinese women! They are going to spread AIDS in our city now!”

Please refer here and here for links to the online bulletin boards where these messages were posted (in Chinese).
Generally speaking, today, no matter whether a Chinese actually encountered an African in his or her life, the impression has already been pre-occupied with negative images over the Africans from the media, movies and some shallow knowledge of the colonial history. They often think Africans are ugly, poor, crazy, uneducated and violent. Most of the Chinese would never want to deal with them. I believe in the mind of some policemen in Guangzhou who have probably been tired of dealing with the illegal activities incurred by the African community, ”African people must go back and give a cleaner place back to us.”
The situation is laying a clear picture in front of us. On one side, government officials talk about people-to-people exchange and praise the historical friendship between China and Africa. On the other side – the grassroots side – Chinese people continuously impose their discrimination against Africans through words and actions; and Africans under such suppression have no choice but to riot and strive for their basic human rights in China. Or thousands of miles away, some African government may even decide to raid the Chinese trader communities in order to retaliate.
What a messy picture of misunderstandings! When will the vicious circle stop?
UPDATE: Jun 20th, 2012
Additional thoughts: I hope to let the Africans in China know this. When protesting in the public, it is really not wise to block the road to cause traffic congestion. Chinese people are not used to public protest, and they wouldn’t tolerate a group of foreigners (especially Africans who they dislike) to block the traffic in China for any justified reason. Given the discrimination against Africans amongst the general public, what Africans were doing on the 19th June will only increase Chinese’ antipathy against the African communities in Guangzhou.  I have already seen Chinese commenting on this incident online, and the comments are generally negative, nationalist and racist. We shouldn’t let this trend to continue.

3Qi: China's Landmark Sicomines Deal in the DR Congo

The controversial 2007 Sicomines infrastructure-for-natural resources deal between China and the Democratic Republic of the Congo is a milestone in Sino-Africa ties as it's one of the largest agreements of its kind on record.  Originally valued at 9 billion dollars (it has seen been reduced), the deal stunned many in the West, particularly at the International Monetary Fund, as it was widely interpreted as a direct challenge to the half-century old order that governs Western management of aid and development assistance in Africa.
For more on why the Sicomines deal is so controversial and how it was portrayed in the Western media, watch BBC Newsnight's special coverage: part 1part 2 and part 3.
Johanna Jansson is a Phd candidate at Roskilde University in Demark and among the world's leading scholars on China's resource extraction policies in Africa, particularly in the DRC and Gabon. Jansson has done considerable field research in the DRC where she spent much of 2011 working on a research paper on the subject for the South African Institute of International Affairs: "The Sicomines Agreement: Change and Continuity in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s International Relations" (download PDF).
CHINA AFRICA PROJECT: The Sicomines deal is often held up as an example of the power of the Chinese government's drive to secure natural resources in Africa. While many believe these deals emanate from a coordinated policy decision at the political level in Beijing, you contend it isn't that straight forward. If the government isn't 'ordering' this type of massive investment in the DRC then where does it come from?
JOHANNA JANSSON: The Chinese government knows very well that it needs to secure access to resources to keep its economy going. This was one of the key motivations behind its 2001 Going Global Strategy, called zou chu qu in Mandarin. The essence of this strategy was that China’s state-owned enterprises, the SOEs, were encouraged to ‘go out’. Besides securing access to resources, the other key motivations for the Going Global Strategy were to gain experience and become competitive globally, and to gain market traction for Chinese exports. Now, we must remember that the relations between the Chinese state and China’s state-owned companies are greatly complex. The Going Global Strategy does guide the Chinese SOEs’ operations abroad in a broad sense. But the expansion strategies pursued by each company, and other types of decisions these companies take, are determined mainly by commercial considerations. As a matter of fact, the SOEs often fiercely compete with each other, also in African countries.
Before discussing the Sicomines agreement as an indirect embodiment of the Going Global Strategy in the DRC, I’d like us to take a step back and contextualise China’s foreign policy ambitions. China is not the only country pursuing goals such as those formulated in the Going Global Strategy. On the contrary, these are central foreign policy consideration for most countries. Let’s take a few examples. Securing access to oil is, as we all know very well, of paramount importance to the United States. France is actively supporting its nuclear giant Areva in its endeavour to secure access to uranium in Africa. As Senate Testimony on China in Africa in November last year aptly illustrates, American politicians are seriously worried that the inroads of Chinese consumer goods to African markets threaten, not African, but American jobs, since they take over the potential markets for American products. My take on China’s foreign policy endeavour, both globally and towards Africa, is therefore that it must be understood as part and parcel of the game of the contemporary global political economy.
Now, let’s return to the Sicomines agreement in the DRC. I argue that it should not be understood as the result of a direct order by the Chinese government. Yes, it is a result of the Going Global strategy, but less directly so than is often believed. This has to do with the dynamics of state-company relations in China that I mentioned earlier. Indeed, the large companies involved in the agreement are owned by the Chinese state. Yet the Sicomines agreement was not initiated by the Chinese government, but by the state-owned enterprise China Railway Engineering Corporation, or CREC. CREC is one of the world’s largest construction companies, and it identified the concessions in the DRC as it was in the process of implementing its diversification strategy to expand into resource extraction activities. There are two links between the Sicomines agreement and the Going Global Strategy. The first is that CREC’s pursuit for global markets was triggered by it at the onset. The second is that the credit lines extended by China Exim Bank are one of the most important tools to implement the Going Global Strategy. The credit line extended to the DRC was of major political importance in ensuring that CREC got access to the concessions in the DRC, where decisions to allocate concessions are taken on opaque grounds. China Exim Bank’s support indicates that the Chinese leadership regards CREC’s expansion into the DRC as a highly important strategic move.

The Western view is that in a country like the DRC, development is more likely to occur where corruption has been reduced. A common Chinese view is the opposite: in a desperately poor country like the DRC, corruption will be reduced when economic development comes about.

CAP: When the Sicomines deal was first unveiled in 2007, it was widely interpreted as a rebuff to traditional donors (US, EU, IMF, etc...) in place of an alternative, less interventionist development partner in Beijing. Was this in fact the case?
JJ: Before responding to that question, I would like to stress that China is not likely to ‘take over’ as a donor to the DRC any time soon. The Western donors and the multilaterals remain very important to the DRC. Regarding the approaches, yes, they differ. In two main ways.
First, the Chinese government is not interventionist. Some Western donors work in the DRC although they have no bilateral aid agreement with the country. One example is my own home country Sweden, which does not give bilateral aid since it does not deem the situation in terms of corruption and aid efficiency satisfactory. China would never do that. Even though its non-interference policy has softened somewhat over the past two decades, it remains firmly committed to it. It is rooted strongly in China’s own experience during the ‘century of humiliation’ from the first opium war in 1839 to Mao’s proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949.
The second point follows from the first. China’s support to the DRC is quite different from that of the West. A great deal of the Western donor community’s work in the DRC concerns capacity building in terms of justice, rights and transparency. These are, for well-known reasons, not the main concerns of the Congolese government. China only provides support that is in line with the host government’s priorities, both because of its non-interference stance, but also because it interprets the relation between ‘corruption’ and ‘development’ quite differently from the West. The Western view is that in a country like the DRC, development is more likely to occur where corruption has been reduced. A common Chinese view is the opposite: in a desperately poor country like the DRC, corruption will be reduced when economic development comes about. A well-placed Chinese respondent explained to me that the Chinese party in the Sicomines agreement is well aware of the corruption problems in the DRC. However, the respondent said, it is better to engage and improve the country’s possibilities for economic development through infrastructure refurbishment, since economic development in turn will reduce corruption.
Many listeners will now object and say that these explanations do nothing more than hide the geo-strategic reasons for China’s conduct in the DRC. This is not wrong, in the sense that all external actors have strategic reasons for being active in the DRC. Not all of them have direct interests in the Congo’s resources – many donors provide aid for autobiographical reasons, for example. As regards China, it has always been explicit about its own interest in the DRC’s minerals. But beyond the geo-strategic dimension, anyone interested in really understanding why China does what it does in the DRC needs to take the different interpretations of ‘interference’ and ‘governance’ into account.
CAP: Who has more at risk in the current configuration of the Sicomines deal, the Congolese or the Chinese?
JJ: The DRC is a risky place. It is highly volatile politically. The elections in November 2011 were rife with fraud, as reported by International Crisis Group among others. As we speak in March 2012, uncertainty after the elections, as well as the recent death of the President’s chief adviser Augustin Katumba Mwanke, put a break on activities for all investors, as reported by Reuters. Any analysis of the Sicomines agreement has to take this into account.
As to the question of who carries the risk in the current configuration of the Sicomines deal, the views diverge. Some, including the Chinese parties to the deal, argue that given the volatile political environment and the removal of the guarantee for the returns on the investment into the mining operation, the risk is now on the Chinese side. Others argue that while the exact quantities of minerals contained by the concessions allocated to the Sino-Congolese consortium are uncertain, it is beyond a doubt sufficiently large to repay the loans extended by China Exim Bank. I think that given the situation in the DRC, it is difficult to claim the one or the other with certainty. Yes, the Chinese take an enormous risk. If the credit line towards infrastructure is fully disbursed, then China Exim Bank will have ploughed US$ 3 billion into infrastructure projects in the DRC – a big loss if it turns out that the concessions are not worth enough and the Congolese government cannot pay. But one also has to be clear about the fact that investors are interested in the DRC’s mining sector because the potential returns are enormous. A representative for one mining company told me that at the same mining cost, they have a 5 percent return rate in the DRC, and 0.5 percent return rate in another operation in the developed world. It’s not difficult to see, then, why companies put up with all the hassle of operating in the DRC. Higher stakes, higher returns. In other words, I would caution against any decisive conclusions in terms of the risk at this point.

About Johanna Jasson

Johanna Jansson is a PhD candidate in International Development Studies at the Department of Society and Globalisation, Roskilde University, Denmark. Her PhD project explores the DRC’s relations with its emerging and traditional development partners. Prior to resuming her studies, Johanna worked as a researcher for the Centre for Chinese Studies at Stellenbosch University, South Africa. Johanna holds an MA in Peace and Conflict Studies from Umeå University, Sweden, a BA with Honours in Political Science from Stellenbosch University, and a BA in Political Science from Lund University, Sweden. Johanna has conducted field research in the DRC, Gabon, South Africa, Uganda and Cameroon.

China's Zambian Sex Scandal

Few African countries have closer links with China than Zambia. The relationship goes back decades and Chinese investment in Zambian copper mines have led to both economic growth and an anti-Chinese backlash. The recent arrest of four Chinese mining technicians on charges of sex with underage prostitutes is pushing this relationship into uncomfortable new territory.

The miners are bored, the local women are poor - as I say, the math was pretty simple during the American gold rush and it is pretty simple in the African shantytowns surrounding big mines.

The sexual math of mining is pretty simple. Mining overwhelmingly takes place far away from urban centers. Mines overwhelmingly employ men. There isn't a lot for these men to do during their free time, because the mine is so far away from the city. The local women don't have many options, because extractive industries don't tend to employ many unskilled women and they don't add much to the local communities. What follows is what a friend of mine recently called 'the less-celebrated kind of foreign direct investment'. The miners are bored, the local women are poor - as I say, the math was pretty simple during the American gold rush and it is pretty simple in the African shantytowns surrounding big mines.
However, nowadays most large-scale extractive industries are dominated by multinational corporations and here the situation becomes complicated fast. Throw in the rhetoric of neo-colonial exploitation and you have an explosive combination of cultural difference, historical resentment and sex. Four Chinese technicians recently became the center of exactly this kind of miasma when they were arrested for having sex with underaged prostitutes in Zambia. The four - two carpenters, a bricklayer and a welder - worked for the China Non-Ferrous Metals Mining Group in Luanshya, a poor shantytown in Zambia's Copperbelt. They are currently in jail and face anything from fifteen years to life with hard labour for indecent assault. The whole situation is clearly quite sad and sordid, but what intrigued me is that while the prosecution is basing its case on the fact that the young women were younger than sixteen, Zambia's legal age of consent, the Zambian press seems to assume that they offered their services willingly. And this is far from the only case of underage prostitution in Zambia's Copperbelt region - in fact, the implication seems to be that it is not only routine, but routinely ignored - one aspect of the desperate times facing this Copperbelt town. Some of the community members interviewed made it clear that the only reason this particular case is getting this level of attention is because the defendants are Chinese.
I don't particularly wish to defend the Chinese men. If they're guilty, they're guilty of doing something despicable, even if these girls offered themselves up. But it also seems to me that these technicians have haplessly triggered some kind of post-colonial resentment bomb where sex and historical trauma become the fuel for a press bonfire. What makes it more symbolic is that China has in the past stoked exactly this kind of bonfire.
In 2002 a Chinese businessman was staying in a hotel in Zhuhai when he wandered into a massive orgy involving 400 Japanese businessmen and 500 local prostitutes. The next day the hungover Japanese businessmen woke to nationalist outrage on front pages across China. The outrage was based on an unfortunate detail - the orgy took place on the exact anniversary of the Japanese invasion of China in 1931. It is unclear to which extent the Japanese businessmen were aware of the symbolic significance of the date of their shindig. However, the mix of sex and history, particularly a narrative of historical victimhood, were like gasoline and birthday candles - a perfect recipe for a bad party. In the end it didn't really matter whether they knew or not. In the bigger context of Japan's history in China the scandal took on a life of its own. It drew attention all over East Asia and the Japanese government was forced to apologize.
China's lightning growth has created a new category in international relations - the aid recipient turned aid donor. To me the sex scandal in Zambia seems like a warning to China as it engages more with Africa: no continent on earth has a bigger historical chip on its shoulder than Africa. Nowhere else is the grappling with historical victimhood closer to the surface. With more Chinese moving to Africa, with more rural underdevelopment coming face to face with Chinese workers with money, and especially with African journalists and politicians (like Zambia's own Michael Sata) describing the China-Africa relationship as a new form of colonialism, we can expect many more sex-and-history bombs in the future.
ZAMBIA : Chinese Underage Sex Scandal Sparks Emotive Debate - IPS ipsnews.net.
'I stepped out of the lift and into an orgy' - Telegraph.

Who are the Chinese in Africa?

From Algeria to Angola, the Chinese population across Africa is growing rapidly. In less than a decade, hundreds of thousands of immigrants have made the long journey from mainland China to cities and villages throughout the continent.  Today, as this vast population settles in, they are having a transformative effect on the culture, economics and even politics of their new African communities.
There are no precise figures on just how many Chinese live in Africa. Estimates, though, place the number of immigrants somewhere between 750,000 and a million continent-wide. If those estimates are accurate, it means there are more Chinese migrants living in Africa today then there were expatriate French people at the peak of their African empire in the mid-20thcentury.

But just who are all these Chinese people and what draws them to Africa?

It should go without saying that any population as large and diverse as the Chinese defies simple characterization. The Chinese immigrant population in Africa is extremely diverse across all lines of class and culture.  In my experience, overseas Chinese migrants on the continent can broadly be divided into four distinct categories:

The Elites: Senior Chinese diplomats and executive management of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) there to manage Beijing’s growing natural resource investments on the continent or oversee China’s massive infrastructure development initiatives. These people largely live in African capitals, often in the same walled-compounds as their Western counterparts.

The Managers: The often highly educated engineers and managers on the ground who lead the construction and natural resource extraction projects across the continent. These engineers give the Chinese such an advantage when bidding on projects since their salaries are a small fraction of comparable Western wages. These managers largely isolate themselves from the broader African society and stay in country anywhere from 3-5 years until they are assigned to a new project in a different country.

The Entrepreneurs: These individuals operate independent of any corporate or governmental entity. They have moved to Africa because they see an opportunity in the marketplace to make money.  These entrepreneurs often start small- to medium-sized enterprises that leverage trading relationships back in China. Due to the business imperative of speaking the local language and understanding the culture, this group of immigrants is often highly assimilated.

The Peasants:  For this group, the transition from the Chinese countryside to Africa is largely viewed as a horizontal move.  They are accustomed to high levels of poverty, corruption and societal instability.  Too poor to isolate themselves in a Chinese “ghetto,”, these immigrants live right alongside Africans in both urban and village communities across the continent. Out of sheer necessity, they are often highly assimilated in both language and culture.  In contrast to the other three groups of Chinese migrants, once these low-income Chinese migrants are in Africa, they will likely never return home as they are just too poor.

There are no indications that Chinese migration to Africa is slowing. If anything, as Africa’s economies continue to grow, we can likely expect even more Chinese migrants to make the long journey across the Indian Ocean.   It may be hard to imagine, but a large and growing Chinese population is now a permanent fixture of Africa’s demography.

[VIDEO] Angola’s Labour Pains

Australia’s SBS TV network recently produced a compelling documentary on China’s surging investment in Angola. The program reaffirms the wide range of complex issues that are involved ...

Analysis from Cobus van Staden

Sanctions and Anti-Sanctions

For those tracking the development (and high-level normalization) of ‘the new cold war,’ this week has been a doozy. U.S. President Joe Biden departed for the G7 summit in Cornwall with a rare bipartisan win in his pocket. His U.S. Innovation and Competition Act, a $250 billion bill aimed at countering Chinese competition in a number of hi-tech areas like semiconductors and robotics, passed with a 68-32 majority. Some predict that it could ...

Can the G7 Imagine a Different Relationship With the World?

This week, the prominent Financial Times commentator Gideon Rachman argued that the upcoming G7 summit in Cornwall could be ‘the west’s last chance to lead.’He acknowledged that the seven rich democracies that make up the group (the U.S., U.K., France, Italy, Germany, Japan, and Canada) have seen a rapid loss in global economic influence. When they first met in 1975, the seven made up 80% of the world’s GDP. That share has ...

Biden’s Chinese Tech Dilemma

This week the Biden administration announced an expansion of a Trump-era ban on U.S. investment in 59 Chinese companies seen as having ties to the Chinese military and surveillance sectors.The announcement is another confirmation of how ex-president Trump’s vision of a U.S.-China rivalry has set the terms of subsequent interactions between the two sides (and set ‘the two sides’ as a defining paradigm for the rest of the world.)The measure unsurprisingly targets ...

Diplomatic Fishing Expeditions

This week provides numerous examples of China’s complex presence in West Africa. Take Ghana for example:  even as Chinese entities are building multiple vocational training centres across the country, Chinese citizens are being rounded up for illegal gold mining and Ghanaian cocoa farmers are grappling with the implications of China’s first cocoa shipment.China is simultaneously a provider of crucial public goods, a crime vector and strategic economic competitor. As one zooms ...

The Other Side of Agency

Last week I ran into a friend who’s a media studies scholar. We caught up about our work – she’s busy with a paper about the media representation of face masks. What am I working on? A paper on China’s provision of coal-powered electricity in Africa. Oh, she said with real sympathy – poor you.You know what? She’s not wrong. Reading exactly how much money China has pumped into highly ...

Sierra Leone’s Fishing Minister: ‘There Must Be Development’

The deal between the government of Sierra Leone and Chinese entities to build an industrial fishing harbor on 100 hectares of beach and rainforest reads like a textbook example of why China remains so unpopular among many African communities, even as its relationship with African governments goes from strength to strength. Is the land relatively pristine? Yes. Does it support an intact local fishing economy? Why, yes. Will the proposed development hurt ...

Commodity Supercycle Blues

The editorial board of Financial Times published an op-ed yesterday announcing a new commodities supercycle. They argued that the global pivot towards climate-friendlier technologies like electric vehicles is pushing demand for metals like cobalt, lithium and palladium (used in catalytic converters.) In addition, the Biden administration’s new commitments to building infrastructure at home (and possibly abroad) will further boost demand for steel, with iron ore futures hitting record prices in Singapore this week.Where FT ...

The Winding Road of the COVID Crisis

One of the pandemic’s many challenges is how it outflanks our attempts to impose narratives on it. Humans are storytelling creatures – we use narrative to make sense of chaos and to prioritize threats. Each new phase of the pandemic scrambles the stories we used to make sense of the previous phase. The current COVID inferno in India is one of these twists, as is the dawning realization that even the ...

When It Comes to Deforestation, There’s Plenty of Blame to Go Around

The NGO collective Forests and Finance released a new study today showing that investments by Chinese banks make it the world’s second-largest funder of projects linked to tropical deforestation.   Analyzing data from financial databases and company publications, the study found that between 2016 and 2020, Chinese banks extended about $15 billion in underwriting and loans to companies in fields like palm oil, pulp and paper, soy and beef farming, rubber, and timber ...

COVID and the Emerging Global Landscape

This week saw a small, but notable indicator in my corner of the global COVID landscape. South Africa announced that it will import 10 million doses each of China’s Sinopharm and Russia’s Sputnik V vaccines.South Africa is hardly the first country in the Global South to opt for Chinese and Russian vaccines, but its specific quirks make it an indicative one. Nothing in South Africa is simple – in many ...

[VIDEO] China Faces New Scrutiny in Africa (But This Time It’s Different)

A small, yet highly energetic group of demonstrators marched through the streets of South Africa’s Umlazi Township earlier this month to protest against what they claim is Beijing’s inadequate support for the 

Wikileaks Reveals Failures of Western Aid in Africa

It really shouldn’t comes as a huge surprise that African governments have become tired of the West’s indulgent aid and development programs that place a significantly higher emphasis on “process” over actual results. No doubt ...

Wikileaks Reveals Failures of Western Aid in Africa

It really shouldn’t comes as a huge surprise that African governments have become tired of the West’s indulgent aid and development programs that place a significantly higher emphasis on “process” over actual results.  No doubt ...

Les Chinois En Afrique

[caption id="attachment_195" align="alignleft" width="300"]Les-chinois-en-Afrique400 Click for full-size image[/caption]
The French radio network “Radio France Internationale” has published a very interesting interactive map detailing Chinese investments, populations and infrastructure projects across Africa.  Although the map is in French it’s nonetheless easy to follow for non-Francophones and offers a great visualization of how vast China’s engagement with Africa has become.
It is important to remember that just five years ago this map would have looked entirely, with just a fraction of the dots on the map that highlight China’s economic activity.  For better and for worse, the Chinese have moved with unprecedented speed to enhance diplomatic ties with governments across the continent.  Furthermore, the migration of hundreds of thousands of Chinese peasants, laborers and entrepreneurs is another important facet of this engagement that the RFI map nicely illustrates.

[TRANSLATION] The Personal Challenge of Being Chinese in Africa

For most people, the Chinese engagement with Africa is an enigma.  The combination of these two peoples, cultures and, increasingly their politics, are just so foreign to most of us that we do not have ...

3 Lessons France Can Offer China About Government-Run Media

media1Both China and France share a common frustration with the international media and that their country’s “story” is not being accurately conveyed via the CNNs, BBCs and Al Jazeeras of the world.  After years of bitterly complaining about the injustices of international (read Western) news reporting, they both came to same conclusion: “if you can’t beat ‘em join ‘em.”   In December 2006, the French-government launched FRANCE 24, its tri-lingual (French, Arabic and English) 24-hour news service distributed around the world via satellite and on the internet.  Similarly, the 2010 launch of CNC World marks China’s third attempt to persuade englishmedia2 language audiences around the world to “see the world through a Chinese perspective.”  The other two networks, CCTV 9 (now re-branded “CCTV International”) and Blue Ocean Network (BON Live) are both on-air but have had little-to-no impact among its target demographic of english-speakers around the world.  In contrast to the various Chinese international TV networks now available globally, FRANCE 24 appears to be gaining considerable traction with audiences in the US and Africa among other regions.
Why?
China’s media leaders may want to consider the French approach with France24 if they want to grow audience share with their own media properties:
1. Editorial autonomy + Higher Content Legitimacy = Audience Loyalty
It is hard to tell if online users and TV viewers of FRANCE 24 clearly understand that they are consuming a media property owned and operated by the French government.  Just as viewers of Al Jazeera may not be fully aware of the Qatari government’s backing of that network.  What’s important here is that both France24 and Al Jazeera afford their editorial staff considerable editorial autonomy in determining the news.  I can speak from personal experience (full disclosure: I am currently a freelance journalist at FRANCE 24′s english language online service) to attest that there is never any concern among the editorial staff about government censorship or oversight of any kind.  Conversely, the pressure from management is to produce the highest quality news comparable to the standards of any of the international newsrooms I have worked in, including CNN, CNBC Asia and the Associated Press among others.  Consider this example from July 14, 2010, France’s national holiday.  In an effort to rebuild relations with its former African colonies, the French government invited those states celebrating 50 years of independence to have a delegation of military representatives march in the grand Bastille Day parade up the Champs Elysees. In China, such national day festivities would be greeted with patriotic enthusiasm by official media organs, but not so in France.

The Chinese are making it much harder than it needs to be for international viewers to access their content online.

media3Both the TV and online editors at France24 led with stories of accusations from a federation of  international human rights groups that war criminals may be among those marching in the parade. The headline (left) led the coverage for most of the day and never was there a concern that France24 was embarrassing France’s leaders or the state itself.  Instead, the story generated above-average traffic online.
The lesson here for China’s own media entities is that by giving experienced media producers greater autonomy to report a story, even if it may be critical of China, will ultimately improve the content’s legitimacy among its target audiences and thus lead to increased user loyalty.  I fully understand how difficult it would be for some within the Propaganda Ministry, and even in the State Council, to loosen the reigns of media control.  However, it should be considered essential if the ultimate objective is to persuade sophisticated international media consumers to divert themselves from rival websites and TV channels to CNC World, BON Live or CCTV International.
2.  Make it Easy to Watch and Access the Content
When CNC World debuted in July 2010, I rushed to find the live stream online the very first day it went on the air.  It went without saying that CNC would have a live-stream, or even on-demand video available, considering the importance the government had placed on reaching out to international viewers like myself.  Yet after four attempts using three computers on two platforms, I have still not been able to access the CNC World live stream.   CNC World is making it much more difficult than it needs to be for viewers to access their content online.  Here are a few suggestions on how the network can improve its usability to make it significantly easier for viewers, such as myself, to watch CNC World over the internet:
A. Domain Name: select an easy to remember URL.  https://www.xhstv.com is NOT a good domain name for an international audience.   Now, as a Chinese speaker, I understand that XHS stands for 新华社, the average American viewer will not.
B. Make it Mac Compatible:  No, in fact, make it platform agnostic.  Currently, CNC World can only be viewed on PCs which eliminates tens of millions of prospective viewers who use Apple’s products.  This is critical in both the United States and Europe.
C. No Plug-ins!:  This is a massive mistake on the part of Xinhua.  First of all, web users in the U.S. and Europe are accustomed to watching online video using any of the established methods ranging from Flash to HTML5.  The era of downloading additional software applications to run video ended about five years.  Secondly, Western internet users will NEVER download a plug-in prompted by text written in Chinese!   This is a screen grab of the prompt to download the program “UUSEE” to watch CNC World.  To the vast majority of non-Chinese speaking Westerners, this looks extremely ominous.
media4
D. Do not use Chinese characters: Even if a user in the U.S. or Europe wanted to download the UUSEE plug-in, there is a very good chance that s/he would not be able to because many of the anti-virus programs block Chinese language applications.  This is even more so on corporate networks that often have much stricter security measures than most home users.  To avoid this restrictions, the English-language streaming site should be entirely in English with no Chinese language prompts for plug in requirements or any Chinese-character metadata that will trigger the security programs to block the site.
3. Quality Counts
Just as China is not a native-English speaking country, France faces a similar challenge in how it staffs its English language media channels.  Unlike most of media5China’s multilingual media outlets, FRANCE 24′s english and Arabic services are staffed by native speakers.  In China, by contrast, CCTV9, China Radio International and other channels are often staffed with Chinese employees whose english skills are quite strong relative to other mainland Chinese however nowhere near international broadcast standards.  Subsequently, there are significantly higher levels of on air and online mistakes that are often directly associated with language abilities.  In an extremely competitive news markets, these kinds of mistakes are unacceptable as it undermines the credibility of the product and encourages consumers to seek elsewhere for similar information.  There is ample evidence of poor language and copy editing skills of China’s international media editors.  On three separate occasions over the course of a single week, the home page of CNTV (left) featured prominent spelling errors and template layout mistakes that, once again, indicate China’s media products are just not competing at the same level as French and other international media outlets.

CAP Expert Network

James Keeley

Research Director
Mobility for Africa

Kevin Acker

Research Manager
China-Africa Research Manager

Miatta Momoh

Co-founder & Business Development Manager
Kente & Silk

Hannah Ryder

CEO
Development Reimagined

Jeremy Kirshbaum

CEO
Handshake

Cliff Mboya

PhD candidate
Fudan University

Roberto Castillo

Professor
Lingnan University

Celine Nasti

Manager
CN Expertise

China in Africa: If You're Over 40 Years Old Then You Probably Don’t Get It

There is a discernable generational divide when it comes to opinions about the Chinese in Africa.  It isn’t subtle and the split lines up according to age.  In almost every instance, those over 40 years old frame the issue in “colonial terms” clearly influenced by their own early education of Western imperial activity on the continent.  For these critics, Beijing’s engagement in Africa is binary — it’s either good or bad.  This explains why so much of the news coverage on the subject is structured in such simple terms with headlines like “Is China Good For Africa,” et al.   For this generation, the memories of decolonization, Live Aid and the countless Hollywood portrayal of a female  aid worker (and they are always women in the movies) gently holding a starving African child have had a profound impact on their worldview.  For the over 40 crowd, their education in the West never clearly condemned colonialism for its brutal failings.  There was always a hint that European, and even American attempts, to “civilize” the “natives” was a benevolent ambition.

A new generation of bloggers and scholars is emerging who approach Sino-African relations with significantly more sophistication than older observers who are burdened by their early education of Western imperial activity on the continent.

Since the launch of  China in Africa” podcast two months ago, I have found there is an entirely different perspective from a new generation of twenty and thirty something bloggers and academics who are unburdened by this conventional thinking.  They seem to approach the topic with a refreshing lack of intellectual baggage that permits a far more nuanced view of the issue that doesn’t frame the subject in that “good vs. bad” framework that is so typical of their older peers.  In universities across Europe and in South Africa (none in the United States that I have found so far), a new crop of students and bloggers is emerging who approach the subject with an unprecedented of level of sophistication.  To these younger observers, China’s activities in Africa are evaluated much more comprehensively, taking into account the histories of both Africans and Chinese.  Furthermore, there is a sense the Chinese should be judged in isolation rather than in the context of Western imperial policies of the past.  And unlike their older peers, this under-40 group generally approaches the subject with significantly less prejudice about China, instead focusing on the tangible impact of Beijing’s policies on the continent.
Judge for yourself:
1. Lu Jinghao: South Africa blogger and China-Africa analyst who writes the “A Chinese in Africa” blog (https://china-africa-jinghao.blogspot.com/) and is also a contributor to the China Africa Project.
2. Lila Buckley: Oxford University graduate student who is focusing on Chinese engagement in African agriculture.  She recently posted a guest blog on Deborah Brautigam’s “China in Africa: The Real Story” about her research in Senegal.
3. Johanna Jesson: Researcher at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs and Phd. candidate at the Roskilde University who specializes in transparency issues related to Chinese aid and investment on the continent.  In particular, she has written extensively on Chinese investment patterns in both the DRC and Gabon.
4. Henry Hall: Masters candidate at the London School of Economics who is doing research on Chinese-Zambian relations.  Henry also publishes the weekly email newsletter and website China Africa News.
5. Dr. David Robinson: African historian who lectures at Perth, Australia’s Edith Cowan University.  Dr. Robinson recently published “Hearts, Minds and Wallet: Lessons from China’s Growing Relationship with Africa.
So while age by itself should not be considered the determining factor in judging the competence of any journalist, blogger or scholar, it does seem that younger observers are engaging the Sino-African issue with a very different perspective.  This is a particular issue that is extremely complex with intersecting histories, cultures and peoples who defy the simple stereotypes that are depressingly common in much of the mainstream press’ an academia’s coverage.

China in Africa: The Transparency Paradox

Transparency is a loaded word in the development business.  The idea that aid and investments in places like Africa should be subject to external audits and review is a sacrosanct principle within the industry.  Never mind the irony that organizations like USAID, the United Nations and the World Bank among others devote a majority of their time/effort with their aid programs to sorting through a byzantine bureaucracy that is anything but transparent — nonetheless, these very organizations maintain the “black box” that is China’s aid and investment agenda in Africa is alarming.   However, transparency can cut both ways and ultimately the West may regret its insistence that China pull back the curtain.The issue first came to my attention in Kinshasa at the posh athletic club “Cercle Elais” where I was enjoying an afternoon drink by the pool.  Sitting behind me were a pair of European construction executives who were seemingly drowning their sorrows in pint after pint of lager.  The two echoed a story detailed in the compelling book “China Safari” by complaining loudly over their inability to compete with Chinese construction firms who submitted bids 50-60% lower than everyone else.  ”There’s just no way we can compete,” one declared, “yeah, we’re fucked,” the other slurred.  Now, the interesting part of this story is who these two accused of screwing up their business in the DRC.  It didn’t seem like they blamed the Chinese.  No.  Instead, it was the World Bank and MONUC (the United Nations operation in the DRC)!

Hopefully advocates of greater transparency will apply the same enthusiasm they do for criticizing Chinese aid and investment initiatives in Africa to the bloated, inefficient procurement system that protects an indefensible level of Western corruption.

Under intense pressure to increase “transparency,” construction firms bidding on major infrastructure projects in the region have increasingly been required to submit “open bids.”  Before “open bidding,” governments and international organizations evaluated proposals using various criteria beyond just price (e.g. quality of materials, labor sourcing, etc…).  Yet as the transparency drive forced open the bidding process, price naturally became the dominant issue.  And as we know, when it comes to price, the Chinese are hard to beat. While there is ample evidence in Chinese construction and manufacturing industries to illustrate how Chinese companies employ  substandard labor practices and production methods to keep their costs as low as possible, there is an important alternative perspective that should be considered as well.  The Chinese construction firms in places like the DRC work harder, longer and cheaper than their Western counterparts:

  • Do Chinese construction executives stay in five star accommodations like Kinshasa’s Hotel Memling at a cost to international taxpayers of $500-$600 per night?  No.
  • Do Chinese project managers live in expensive expatriate communities with security details, chauffeur driven cars and consume imported food as their Western counterparts do? No.
  • Do Chinese construction projects operate only five days a week, forcing the project to take longer to build and ultimately cost more? No.

Hopefully advocates of greater transparency will apply the same enthusiasm for criticizing Chinese aid and investment initiatives in Africa to the bloated, inefficient procurement system that protects an indefensible level of Western corruption.  After all, the UN and the World Bank’s funds are all of our tax money, so if Chinese companies can offer a comparable service at half the price, well, that’s capitalism, right?
Footnote: this is by no means a new issue.  The Chinese began under bidding projects in Africa as early as 2005, prompting louder calls for improved transparency in the infrastructure procurement process.

The Chinese Construction Boom in Kenya

It may be hard to believe but half of all construction work underway in Kenya is now being done by Chinese firms, according to the U.S. public radio program “The World” (audio link below).  It appears the Chinese infrastructure building juggernaut in Africa is showing no signs of slowing down.  Kenya’s Business Daily newspaper reports the capital’s Jomo Kenyatta International Airport has received a new round of funding for expansion and modernization where much of the work will likely go to Chinese contractors. Already, China National Aero-Technology International Engineering Company (CATIC) is on board to build out the airport’s new terminal four and a larger parking facility.  One would likely expect Chinese construction and engineering firms to compete vigorously for the millions of other dollars that have yet to be assigned.
Public Radio International’s (PRI) daily news program “The World” has done some very good reporting recently on the Chinese in Africa and specifically the Chinese construction boom in Kenya.

 

Chinese Aid in Africa: No Strings Attached

The Canadian Broadcast Corporation sent their Beijing correspondent to do some rather extensive reporting on the surge of Chinese investment in Africa. In contrast to much of the other recent coverage of the topic, Anthony Germain’s reporting from Zambia was refreshingly balanced.  The highlight of his reporting centers on the question of how China is taking full advantage of the failures of 50 years of Western aid.  Several of his sources pointed out that despite spending hundreds of billions of dollars in Africa, Western aid programs have very little to show.
The Chinese, by contrast, move quickly and efficiently and demonstrate visible results from their engagement.  That said,  Germain rightly points out that Beijing asks for very little in return from its African partners in the form of political accountability and transparency.   While I fully appreciate the importance of this kind of political pressure, it always strikes me as ironic to hear this perspective from Western critics, most notably through the Western media.   Specifically, the West (and by default the Western media) appear to be rather selective with their demands for political accountability.
Although the international aid industry spends billions of dollars each year in the very same countries that China is operating, there is virtually no scrutiny of the effectiveness of that money and the negative impact it often has on political accountability in under-developed countries across Africa.  Moreover, that same level of accountability is not regularly included in coverage of European and American companies operating in Africa.  It is not obvious to me, yet, how the Chinese behavior in Africa is different from that of French, American or German owned resource extraction companies operating in the region.
None of this is meant to exclude the Chinese from scrutiny, instead to highlight the obvious hypocrisy that is regularly employed by outside observers of the Chinese in Africa. Anytime a comparison is done between Chinese and Western aid strategies in Africa, it is worth noting that each brings a distinctive mindset to this endeavor.  The issue over “effectiveness” is one that is loaded with considerably different meaning in the West and in China.  The United States, for example, has a governmental system made populated disproportionately by lawyers.  Results, or effectiveness, is therefore passed through this legalistic (or administrative in the case of many European governments) filter.  China, in contrast, is a government made up of technocrats with an engineering background.  In this case, each problem or project is seen in the context of a start point and end point.  Period.  The engineer will solve any problem that arises in the interim of these two points with the end result in mind.
Consider the following scenario: Say the Chinese have been tasked to build a road in Madagascar.  The construction veers off course by 4 degrees, prompting the road to bend slightly to the left.  For the Chinese project managers, this is a simple problem with an easy answer: continue building the road but just pull it to the right a bit to make the road as a straight as possible but do not waste more time discussing the issue. If the Americans or Europeans were building that same road and encountered the identical problem the solution would look radically different.  Construction would likely stop immediately.  The construction manager would call in the grants officer from the relevant international development agency for guidance who would then demand a written report be provided within 48 hours on why the road veered to the left 4 degrees.  A second report would then be generated by the grants officer to be submitted to superiors at the appropriate embassy, prompting a conference call with headquarters in Washington, New York or Brussels.  Several meetings would then be convened to discuss the environmental and financial impacts of the bend in the road.  Yet another report would be generated by a far away official that would provide the necessary guidance to the grants officer back in Madagascar on how to proceed.  Throughout this whole 6-8 week process (at a minimum), construction would stop indefinitely until the entire administrative process is completed to insure the project remains compliant with the respective country’s development funding guidelines.
While this is a gross oversimplification of the issue, it does highlight the key cultural difference in how the Chinese and the West approach the development process.  While the Chinese process may be viewed by many in the West as “steamrolling,” it does generate results considerably faster than what comparable Western development agencies can produce. The next step for correspondents, such as Germain, is to go beyond the surface comparison between the Chinese and Western approach to aid in Africa and explore the underlying cultural differences that motivate each side.  Germain’s CBC reports did a nice job flirting with this issue, but it is definitely worthy of deeper evaluation. Footnote: In addition to the text article, Germain also produced an insightful 12 minute radio piece and also took some excellent pictures that are displayed in a beautiful photo gallery format.

A Behind the Scenes View of the Chinese in Africa

For most outsiders, the Chinese operations in Africa run largely as an opaque mystery.  Seemingly every Western book or in-depth news article on the subject features the same complaint of not receiving any help from either Chinese officials or businesses there about how the mechanics of their investments in the region function.   Basic questions like how are factories acquired or what kind of support do Chinese embassies offer local businesses in the region largely go unanswered.
For some perspective on these issues, I came across a fascinating bulletin board site (BBS) that offers remarkable insights into the inner-workings of Chinese business on the continent: www.chineseinafrica.com/bbs/ The site is exclusively in Chinese, so for the benefit of CTP’s English-only readers, here are some highlights of recent entries:
https://www.chineseinafrica.com/bbs/viewthread.php?tid=6400&extra=page%3D1
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非洲中国商人眼中的中国使馆

How Chinese Businesses in Africa see the

Chinese Embassy

One entry submitted by a writer with the handle “Old African Trader” posts what appears to be an open letter to the Chinese government appealing on behalf of business leaders for more help from Chinese embassies on the continent.   The posts starts by saying how much pride there is seeing the Chinese flag rise over Africa and the emergence of China as a global power.  However, he goes on to sharply criticize the government for its lack of support of small businesses operating in Africa:

“Although Chinese African exchanges are deepening and broadening and more investors are coming to Africa, and everyone can say that those in Africa live a lonely, solitary life devoted to work and the embassy offers almost no help to these businesses”

随着中非交流的深入和推广,一批批商人来到非洲投资,大家可以说都是在非洲孤独的生活工作着,在生意上似乎很少有得到使馆帮助的。

If this writer is accurate, it offers a fascinating insight into the limitations of the “public-private partnership” that so many outside observers take for granted when evaluating Chinese investments in Africa.  On several occasions in Kinshasa and elsewhere, U.S. diplomats expressed their frustration that Chinese businesses had an unfair business advantage over American companies because of the close diplomatic/corporate relationship that allegedly exists among Chinese enterprises investing in Africa.  Yet this open letter exposes that there are limits to the Chinese government’s support of businesses.  Where Chinese embassies draw the line on what business to support is hard to know, it’s obvious that major State Owned Enterprise (SOE) multinationals operating mining and telecommunications concessions among other deals in places the DRC are very likely getting a lot of support from the embassy whereas medium and small investors, as the writer appears to represent, may not be getting very much assistance.
https://www.chineseinafrica.com/bbs/viewthread.php?tid=17011&sid=Zd9phz
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牙膏厂寻求非洲贸易伙伴

Toothpaste Factory Seeks African Trade Partner

If you are interested in importing “Angola” brand toothpaste to Africa, then this post will be of interest. The author of this post appears to be seeking business partners in Africa to import this toothpaste.  What’s most interesting about this post is the advertised price of the toothpaste at just 1.2 RMB per unit.  This sheds some light on China’s low-cost export strategy that we have been discussing on CTP.  At just 1.2 RMB per unit, this toothpaste is affordable for a wide-spectrum of consumers at the lowest end of the economic spectrum.
https://www.chineseinafrica.com/bbs/viewthread.php?tid=6201&sid=Zd9phz
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多哥SINOCAR汽车销售有限公司修理厂致多哥华人朋友!

Togo Sinocar Auto Sales and Repair [Welcomes/Greets] Togo-based Chinese Friends

If you happen to live in the small West African country of Togo and want to either purchase a Chinese-made vehicle or get your “Great Wall” car repaired, then Togo Sinocar is the place to go.  The author of this post, seemingly the owner or manager of Togo Sinocar, explains how this venture is the first Chinese auto sales and repair company in the country.  Togo Sinocar has 10 employees and two Chinese engineers to serve the community.  What’s most interesting here is the range of services they offer. In the U.S. or Europe, an auto repair or sales dealer does just that, whereas with Togo Sinocar, the list of services is much broader. In addition to emergency tow services they’ll also help you secure either your Togo or international drivers licenses as well.
There are hundreds of other posts on this BBS that are worthy of exploration, some very personal about finding lost relatives who went to Africa and those searching for love in Africa.   We’ll bring you more posts in the coming weeks as this site offers a truly unique view into Chinese life on the continent that is hard to come by even among those living there.

STUDENT xCHANGE

China House Student Fellows,

Various Schools, China

By China House Fellows Geng Xingshuo, 19, University of Rochester; Yang Zimo, 16, Lee Academy Shanghai; Cheng Yin 16 Tianjin Foreign Language School

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a program which initiatives are creating fresh waves of road, rail, port, and energy investment in countries around the world, ...

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By China House Fellows Zang Yiming, 15, Beijing National Day School; Fan Xia, 17, Yao Hua High School and Yu Kaidi, 17, Nanjing Foreign Language School Xianlin Campus

Since March 13, Kenya discovered its first COVID-19 case in Nairobi. Up till March 11, 2021, the cumulative number of confirmed cases ...

Lauren Ashmore,

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Paraguay, a landlocked country in South America, rarely makes global news headlines. However, images of protesters on the streets of the capital Asunción quickly circulated in international news this month. Protestors were pictured waving their national tricolour flag and holding anti-government posters with slogans such as ‘We are coming for ...

China House Student Fellows,

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By China House Student Fellows Qinnan He, Larrissa Leung, Linyi Xia and Xuewen Zhang (Authors listed alphabetically, this research article has been authored equally).

“I’ll share you a girl’s story. She’s 35 now with 9 children after being forced to marry at 14. Her mom and dad died when she ...

China House Student Fellows,

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Almost 15 years ago, allegations were beginning to emerge that China influences African elections. The case in point was Zambia. China became a hot campaign issue in Zambia’s 2005 elections. The opposition, led by Michael ‘King Cobra’ Sata, never missed an opportunity to lash out at then incumbent, Patrick Mwanawasa, over ...

China House Student Fellows,

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By China House Student Fellows He Ye, 17, Shenzhen College of International Education Ruining Liu, 17, Capital Normal University High School, Liangjing Yi, 17, Shude High School Dujiangyan Foreign Language Experimental School and Xia Zhao, 18, Northfield Mount Hermon School

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By China House Fellows Jinhao Bai, Yi Cheng, Jiasui Xie, Ruoyu Yan

“If we want to confront the issue of racism, everyone needs to take their share of responsibility. This ‘everyone’ includes you, me, and all the other individuals living in this planet.“

                                                                                         –A Guinean Student in Guangzhou

Across ...

China House Student Fellows,

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By China House Fellows Andy Zhang, Jie Cang, Ziyu Lin and Yirong Xu

“We don’t want gifts and apologies: We want our dignity…We have fractured this world.” – Kevin, student

“But I thought racism doesn’t exist in China…it wasn’t embarrassing, it was dehumanizing.” – Iris, teacher

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By China House Student Fellows Xinjian Lyu, Chenxing Ji, Yuncheng Chi, Shizhen Gu

Guangzhou, one of the most developed cities in China, has become a popular place among foreign immigrants. The majority of immigrants here in Guangzhou are Africans who seek better business opportunities.

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China in Africa: the BBC’s Annoying Interview of Liu Guijin

It’s not often that senior Chinese officials make themselves available for interviews with the international media, especially in English.  So when I first heard that the BBC World ...

Rant: China Might Want to Consider Soft Power Too

By any measure China’s awe inspiring embrace of Africa is impressive.  Let’s put aside the staggering financial statistics on how many billions of dollars Beijing is spreading across the continent or even the scale of its natural resource haul.  Honestly, there is no comparison because no other country or countries come close to the breadth and depth of China’sengagement here.  While the Americans and Europeans meet in conferences and write report after report on the dismal political and humanitarian conditions in Africa, the Chinese are building deep roots here as part of a century-long investment.  From Algeria to Angola, tens of thousands of Chinese construction crews are laying the foundation of that investment with the building of countless roads, bridges, hospitals and other desperately needed infrastructure.  For that, there is widespread appreciation across many levels of society for Beijing’s ability to persevere where both national governments and international donors have largely failed.  Not far away, though, from those construction sites, problems are beginning to simmer that if go unchecked could severely compromise Beijing’s long term agenda in Africa.
China is not just bringing piles of cash and construction trucks to Africa, hundreds of thousands of immigrants are also making the long journey to resettle in cities like right here in Kinshasa.  These immigrants, like Mister Chen who we profiled earlier, are coming here in search of opportunity and to build a better life for their families.  They are opening businesses large and small in out of the way neighborhoods that largely go unseen by the casual observer.  In so many ways, the Chinese entrepreneurial enthusiasm is a welcome addition to poor and dysfunctional communities that essentially operate outside of the formal economy.  In short, the Chinese are bringing desperately needed jobs, goods and services.  Human culture being what it is though, there is also tremendous risk with how the Chinese ultimately assimilate with Congolese and other African cultures.  Initially, the arrival of those Chinese business were greeted either with indifference or welcomed as a positive addition to the community.  Now, however, the first rumblings of unease are beginning to emerge as some communities find the Chinese presence to be more problematic than they had initially thought.  This issue was most recently brought to light in Namibia where the growing competition from Chinese hair salon owners prompted the government to place an outright ban on Chinese ownership of these types of beauty parlors.  Separately, I am hearing more and more firsthand reports from Congolese who have friends and relatives working on Chinese construction projects who complain that Chinese foremen are becoming increasingly aggressive with their local employees.  It has been well documented that in countries such as Congo-Brazzaville, Angola and Algeria (source: China Safari, 2009) that many Chinese employers lack cultural sensitivity skills that would endear them to local populations.
To many Chinese, these so-called “soft skills” are meaningless.  The common retort from many Chinese business owners and project managers is that local workers complain because the Chinese work harder and demand more from their employees than do African companies.  The fact that local workers are complaining about working for low wages or not being paid at all just further reinforces that Chinese mindset.   In fact, the emotional standoff between Chinese merchants and their African critics is very similar to the same arguments made about cultural insensitivity by the Chinese in certain minority -populated provinces in China.  Now, let me be very clear here.  I do not have an opinion as to whether or not the popular sentiment held by the majority Han culture in China is correct or the views of minorities who feel their cultures are being paved over.  I will leave those questions to far more learned observers.  My point is that the debate is so similar.  The Han perspective emphasizes economic development as evidence by infrastructure construction.  Sentimentality for culture or religion is rarely a priority when measured against infrastructure development in economically deprived regions.
Considering the tremendous speed the Chinese are moving in Africa, particularly here in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, there may good reason to allocate a small percentage of that investment to building cultural ties between the Chinese and their African hosts.  The Congolese, for example, seem overwhelmingly positive about the Chinese arrival.  They regard the Chinese initiatives with optimism and see their enthusiasm for Africa as welcome relief from the failed policies of the West.  That said, the DRC is an extremely volatile country where a spark can light a blaze in seconds.  If the Chinese are not carefully with their cultural investment, it could handicap their broader regional agenda.

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